4. RESULTADOS Y DISCUSIÓN
4.3 Análisis de los resultados obtenidos en el ICA-NSF
Lamanai
Simmons and Shugar noticed a lack of utilitarian copper objects in Early and Middle Postclassic time (950-1350), and only found metallic objects in burials reserved to the elites. (Simmons and Shugar 2013: 108-109). Among the eighteen bronze artefacts dated to the first centuries of the Postclassic Period, only two were not placed in noble burials. Indeed, most items come from tombs located in ceremonial and administrative districts dated from the eleventh to the thirteenth century (Pendergast 1981). Still, among the ninety-seven burials exhumed, only six of them revealed bronze objects. Bells were placed alongside “items such as ceramic vessels, pyrite mirrors, beads of various materials, stingray spines, shark teeth, sheet gold, rings, and elaborate ornaments (Simmons and Shugar 2013: 139). No metallic materials from this period have been found in commoner dwelling or burials so far65, suggesting that bells were reserved to the elites either as an ornament or as an object linked to their performances (Simmons and Shugar 2013: 140). In the second phase of the Postclassic period, copper production continued and may have slightly increased. However, copper only became widespread and accessible to all classes by the Late Postclassic66(Simmons and Shugar 2013: 102). At the same period, bells started to be massively cast and dominated the assemblage as more than 79 have been found at Lamanai, representing 42% of his metallic assemblage (Simmons and Shugar 2013: 141).
65
As explained in their article, the small number of copper artefacts unearthed in Early Postclassic Lamanai may be due to the recycling habits that appeared in future phases (Simmons and Shugar 2012: 139).
66
142 out of the 187 copper artefacts from Lamanai were retrieved from Terminal Postclassic–Spanish Colonial Period deposits at the site (Simmons, Pendergast, and Graham 2009: 61).
Despite the easier access to copper, a hierarchical differentiation is still visible since most of the metallurgic assemblages belonged to the elites, and commoners mainly gained access to utilitarian objects.
The main concentration of copper items has been found in the structure N11-18, with nearly 38 per cent (71 of 187) of the total assemblage (Simmons and Shugar 2012: 141) and half (49.6%) of the copper objects from the Terminal Postclassic/Colonial Period (Simmons, Pendergast and Graham 2009: 64). This led Pendergast (1985: 4) to consider that this place was the metallurgic centre of the city. Moreover, metalworking debris has systematically been retrieved in two places67; respectively, the above-mentioned Structure N11-1868, and another area located just northeast of the Spanish church; N12-17 (Simmons and Shugar 2012: 141).
Fig. 26: Map of Lamanai presenting the structures N12-17 and N11-18. A Copper centre in Late Postclassic and Historic Lamanai.
67
Both situated in the same area.
68
69 Finally, surveys at N25/E5069, at N ll-18 and N ll-27 in layers dated to Lamanai's Contact period suggest that, at this period, two distinct production centres existed, and that both elites and commoners partook in metallurgical activities. This points to either an ever-increasing access to this resource before the abandonment of the city or at least to increasing demand. The table below shows the increasing production of copper artefacts at Lamanai.
Tab. 6: Copper artefact’s distribution at Lamanai in chronological order
Tab. 7: Context of copper objects in Tipu and Lamanai
69
A commoner residential structure situated east of the Spanish church occupied during Terminal Postclassic Spanish Colonial times. There, two broken axes positioned alongside two pouring reservoirs and two pigs located nearby allowed researchers to consider this structure a production centre of copper set in non-elite context.
This second table is useful to visualise bell’s use in Belize. Nevertheless, a lack of precise data on bell’s recovery might impede our discussion. For instance, Cockrell expresses that ‘While some Tipu bells come from burial contexts (seven bells, including complete and incomplete specimens from three burials, three of which are from a double interment), many are surface finds (five bells). The concentration of bells in a few burials suggests that this object type may have been reserved for particular residents of Tipu. Yet, of the four most common metal forms at Tipu (bells, lace tags, needles, and rings), bells demonstrate the strongest tendency to come from non-burial contexts (53.3 per cent compared to 10 per cent, 0 per cent, and 6.7 per cent for lace tags, needles, and rings, respectively, including fragments of each). While the bells that are surface finds may have arrived in such contexts as a result of taphonomic processes, it is possible that, before their ultimate deposition, certain bells were reserved by the Tipu population for some activity outside of burial’.
This paragraph seems to suggest that bells found above the surface were close to the burials but not directly in the tomb. This would still imply a ritualised function associated with death, but the lack of information on the exact location of their discovery does not allow for elaboration. Besides, a similar issue is raised by the term middens, a lack of more precise data on this context renders the identification, ‘composition’ or location of this context challenging. Despite this issue, at least half of the bells are from elite setting be it – monumental architecture and burials70 – and middens context are mainly composed of miscast or flattened bells. This could indicate that bells, placed in such context, were likely not discarded but prepared for recycling.
70
71 Mayapán
Fig. 27: Map displaying the distribution of metallic artefacts in Mayapán
Metal production was not restricted to a single workshop (see map). The majority of metallurgical ceramics and bronze remains were found throughout the city in elite ritual and administrative structures, and, occasionally, in commoner dwellings. In her table, Paris estimated the number of metallic artefacts found throughout the city but dismissed the cache in Structure R-183b due to the absurd amounts of bells found there71. Despite this omission, most copper artefacts are still found in elite contexts. Even excluding the bells found in R- 183b, only eight bells out the 42 recovered were located in commoner residences (Paris and Peraza Lope 2013: 182; see tab. 9).
Tab. 8: List of structures where copper artefacts have been found in Mayapán
71
Moreover, the currently four known crucibles from the Maya World were systematically found in elite context (J.L. Meanwell et al., 2013: 4308). The first two were placed in a cache in Structure R-183b72 (Fig. A) alongside 282 bells, 24 bell clusters, three failed bells, and surrounded by production debris such as numerous casting sprues and a prill (Peraza Lope 1998 in Paris and Peraza Lope 2013). The structure Q-9273 (Fig. B) included another two crucibles placed in a multiple burial containing five individuals under the floor, along the interior back wall of the house (J.L. Meanwell et al., 2013: 4308).
Fig. 28: Map of the Structure R- 183b in Mayapan, Fig. 29: Map of the Structure Q- 92 in Mayapan,
an elite residence where 282 bells have been found a small house in the ceremonial centre
The constant presence of those crucibles in elite settings does not obligatorily signify that only the upper society processed copper. Still, it does testify of the significance of copper and indicates a degree of control over the production. In the lowlands, metallurgical artefacts were seemingly accessible to both commoners and elites, but in different quantity. Copper bells, were, although in vastly different proportion, available to both commoners and elites as an alliable good but must have been either rather costly or restricted to a specific community.
72
An elite house to the east of the ceremonial centre.
73
A small house at the northern end of the central plaza of the ceremonial centre. The status of the residents is mentioned in page 74.
73 Tab. 9: Mayapán structures that contained copper artefacts
Zacpetén
Fig. 30: Location of Zacpetén
Two bells have been unearthed in the Group 719 at Zacpetén. The material assemblage of this complex is rich and includes marine shells, obsidian cores and copper artefacts. Pugh et al. explain that a strong correlation existed between the presence of obsidian cores and the wealth and size of a structure (Pugh et al. 2009: 210). The Group 719 contained eight cores, more than any other structures (Pugh et al. 2009: 210). Thus, a function as either an elite residence or as a public edifice was inferred. An architectural analysis of the building led them to assert that it incorporated both domestic and ceremonial features. As a result of this, this complex is currently seen as living quarters of the elite that eventually fused with a popol naj74 (a council house) (Pugh et al. 2009: 211). This structure was possibly the core of Zacpetén and finding bells there suggests that these bells either belong to the elites or were used as a dedication for this monumental centre. These two bells were found within two meters of one another: one inside the back room, and the other outside the structure in association with three shell beads (Pugh 2009: 379). They may have been produced at Lamanai (Cockrell and Simmons 2017)
Sites where bells have been reported
A comprehensive list of sites in the Maya region where metals have been discovered is offered by Simmons and Cockrell in their article published in 2017. Their list is not restricted to bells, nor to metallic assemblages cast following the Maya tradition, or to the region this thesis focuses on. Consequently, from the 40 sites listed, this section will only elaborate on
74
Such structures were used as a meeting place for administrative affairs as well as hosting the New Year’s Eve celebration and other period endings.
75 six of them75. I could not access to all those document; information on Dixon and Santa Rita are exclusively from the article by Cockrell and Simmons.
Region
Towns
n Bells
Context
Sources
Belize Cerros 17 Late Postclassic
cache76
Garber 1989
Belize Baking Pot 5 Early
postclassic77
Hoggarth 2012
Belize Santa Rita Undetermined Burials Chase and Chase
1988
Bay Island Dixon 30 Unknown Strong 1935
Bay Island Ka’Kabish 8 In a Chultun78 Gonzales 2013
Campeche Isla Cilvituk 4 In a monumental
structure79
Alexander 2005
Tab. 10: Bells distribution throughout the lowlands
75 Among the 40 cited sites, Lamanai, Tipu, Zacpetén, Mayapán and El coyote were also mentioned.
76
No information is given regarding the cache itself, but the number of bells found there makes it unlikely to be part of a commoner structure. The assemblage is made of 15 pear-shaped bells with two of them bearing wireworks designs, and two plain globular bells.
77
Bells have been recovered from noble and commoner households at Baking Pot in the Postclassic period; four at the noble households at the M-99 group and one at the commoner group M-198 (Hoggarth 2012: 112).
78 Bells have been found at the level 4 and 5 of the Chultun C-1 where 4 people were interred; the
assemblage is composed of eight copper bells, shell beads, 11 pieces of ochre and two copper rings. Bells follow three different typologies: one globular, 3 pear-shaped and 4 button-shaped. The wealthiness of the individuals is suggested based on material remains and on being interred in a Chultun.
79
Four bells recorded in 2 different contexts, but systematically associated with type 3 structures. Alexander classifies the buildings of Isla Cilvituk in function of their size, type 3 structures measure around 50m x 40m and were either part of the monumental centre or elite residences (2005:173).
Conclusion
Bells are most frequently found in monumental areas and elite housings, but a few were also unearthed in commoner dwellings and on the surface. Bells were accessible to both elites and commoners, albeit in different quantity. The presence of bells in both burials and monumental buildings80 attests of its significance as a demonstrator of one’s status. Nevertheless, this product was not restricted to a category of the population. It was undoubtedly purchasable in markets for those who had the wealth to do so. The differential access to copper is, however, increased in cities that did not indicate signs of on-site casting. Among the 64 bells found in such towns, a single bell was retrieved from non-elite settings.
Surface findings are harder to elaborate upon but, as expressed by Cockrell, they might be post-depositional, or linked to a ritual connected to death. This element could derive from a European tradition81. Medieval Europe used to jingle bells following the death of an important person; the first evidence of bells and pellet bells as instruments in Europe dates to the eleventh century in Montagu “Timpani and Percussion”. They were rung at a funeral to ward off evil or even raise the dead (Woodward 1997: 55). Needhams (1967: 611) proposes that “percussion instruments may have been associated with the passage from one status to another and therefore a connection between percussion and transition [existed]”. To support his view, he explained that, in Sixteenth-century France, after the death of a significant person, bell ringers went on the street to alert the commoners. To do so, they used handbells, the numbers they had directly linked to the significance of the deceased. As seen a couple of time, Maya bells were intertwined with death. Therefore, a similar ritual might have existed in the lowlands, regardless of a hypothetic European influence.