Análisis descriptivo

Waste is the one problem unanimously mentioned at the PKS. All five female vendors and also the female representative of the association emphatically expressed their disapproval of the waste problem. „The waste situation has to change at all costs!“

(Sari, 93); "Cleanliness is the sole problem" (Cahaya, 18-119); "A cake market has to be clean" (Wira, 61-62).

The researchers observed that the PKS cleaning service is thoroughly sweeping the PKS terrain at the end of the PKS operating hours every morning before 7 am, supported by sca-vengers collecting waste in the street space in front of the PKS.

However, the occasional cleaning of parts of the PKS during the night is not able to promptly cope with the waste accumulation, particularly the packaging waste incurred by shift changes

(Ca-haya, 86-88) and the casting away of unsellable cheap types of cake (Sari, 94-95). Consequently, waste piles up at many places during PKS operating hours and limits the movement of all PKS users. In spite of many complaints, it is obvious that the vendors themselves do not show any effort to clean up, thus leaving the issue entirely to the cleaning service. Waste is simply thrown on the ground, where it becomes stuck in holes and cracks of the concrete flooring and around table-legs, thus making it cumber-some to sweep up between the crushes of vendors, coolies, and customers. Payments for the cleaning service, which are included in the daily services fee, apparently slow down further vendors' initiatives for waste alleviation.

5.6.4. Conclusion 6

Although the choice of a selling position is mainly beyond one's own preference, the overall satisfaction with one's position surprisingly is rather high. This finding corresponds to the re-sults of the statistical analysis (94% of the vendors value their place as good and very good, see 4.1.). Changing the position is

57 57 Waste accumulation, PKS III small roofing, 2 am

apparently avoided since the vendors feel bound to their place by their dependence on regular customers. Although vendors are aware of more and less favourable positions (which are also re-flected in price differentials for compensation payments), they do not like to change positions (see also 4.5. and Figure 42).

Although nearly all PKS stakeholders are complaining about the waste problem, neither self-organization nor the mar-ket management are yet able to cope with it. Waste and the "little thieves" are perceived as problems, whereas security is not. This is a rather surprising result since crime and an overall bad repu-tation of the Pasar Senen area had been essential motives for the urban development administration to work out the long-term re-development strategy including structural improvements of the Pasar Senen Blocks and its surroundings (see also section 3.6.) ^(H). Why female vendors in particular, potentially the most vulnera-ble vendor group at a night market, do not primarily complain of security difficulties, might either be attributable to the high so-cial control among vendors at the PKS compound and its private security services or to the effectively ensured protection manage-ment by the non-governmanage-mental ORMAS militia.

H According to several authors, public safety is a serious problem for Jakartans and the city is ranking amongst the most dangerous in Asia, where those who can afford it hire private security personnel (Hogan 2005, cited in Bunell/Miller 2011: 39 and Bunnell/Miller 2011: 39). It seems as if the authors are referring to social tension and economic unrest fol-lowing the severe financial crisis in 1997. In contrast, the researchers share the view of the female vendors, subjectively perceiving the security situation at the cake market and its direct environment as safe.

• Reasons for self-employment in street food

General trends in Indonesia describe a preference for ur-ban informal employment by a group of mainly non-poor ear-ners (World Bank 2010, 62) for the reasons of weighed wages, benefits, working hours, location, and working environment.

Whereas for some people informal jobs turn out to be a trap, others switch between the formal and informal sectors when beneficial. Informality can be a stepping stone to a better job or can function as a security net for people laid off from formal jobs (World Bank 2010, 64). Children increase the likelihood of women to participate in the urban informal sector of employ-ment (Gallaway/Bernasek 2002, 315f), especially in the household retail and grocery sector (World Bank 2010, 54). Due to women's ambitions to reconcile work and family duties, informal emplo-yment is said to provide the opportunity to work fewer hours (World Bank 2010, 64). In many cases women work as unpaid fa-mily workers, their share amounts to 4 times that of men (ILO 2012, 55).

Findings from PKS female vendors interviewed indi-cate that women mainly strive for increasing their family in-come, predominantly in order to better cope with expenses for children's education. Aiming for social advancement or the goal to prevent social decline pushes them to tackle both production and selling activities in addition to family work. For some high-ly educated children of vendors, the PKS wholesale business is even more profitable than a more adequate formal employment.

Professionalizing kitchen work obviously lowers women's entry threshold for self-employment. Whereas some female vendors emphasize the flexibility of their PKS business for structuring their time to accommodate both income-earning and domestic work, the low number of female PKS vendors proves the contra-ry. Considering the favourable conditions the PKS provides for female self-employment, unexpectedly only 20% of the vendors are women. This low share also contradicts the association that markets are being traditionally a women's domain in

Indone-CONCLUDING