ANÁLISIS DIONISIACO.

The Holy Cross parents and their advocates, organised under the leadership of RTE, were largely supported by local, national and international media. Like the Glenbryn protesters, the parents of Holy Cross children and their supporters had their voices amplified through media interest, and they used the protest to air broader concerns about the peace process. They also criticised the media coverage and groups that did not give them outright support, including Bertie Ahern and the Catholic Church. The RTE’s tactics rested on the assumption that if enough people around Britain, Ireland and the world knew about the dispute, then it would surely come to an end.

The BBC ‘Spotlight’ special, ‘Teach the Children’ broadcast perspectives from the different sides of the dispute. The documentary contains no voiceover and all of the words are verbatim testimonies of those involved. The documentary separates the groups involved

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into the categories of ‘Mothers,’ ‘Protesters,’ ‘Priest,’ ‘Policeman,’ ‘Glenbryn Community Worker’ and ‘Teacher.’ One parent interviewed, Lisa Irvine, stated “it saddens me because, you know, we’re the lost generation, we didn’t know any peace growing up … these children are the hope for the future, they weren’t supposed to grow up like this”.105 Irvine went on to

say “for years we’ve been fighting in this country for civil rights and equality. I’m not a second-class citizen, my daughter is not a second-class citizen, as far as I am concerned apartheid has been abolished. So why then should I be sneaking in and out a back door just to get the right to an education?”106 Irvine’s comments consider the future created by the

GFA, in particular, the hope that children would grow up in a Northern Ireland in which they were treated as equal citizens. Irvine’s statements also reflect the nationalist conceptions of civil rights, describing the ‘apartheid’ of the years before the peace process. Irvine’s testimony demonstrated that the concern for Holy Cross was more than the immediate protest, and reflected nationalist conceptions of the GFA as a milestone of nationalist civil rights in Northern Ireland.

The subject of legal justice was an important issue for parents and their supporters. A letter to the editor of Andersonstown News, referred to the GFA directly, noting “under the Good Friday Agreement we were told “everyone has the right to live free from sectarian harassment”. That right is being abused every day in Ardoyne”.107 _{Writing in the same}

newspaper, Holy Cross parent Tanya Carmichael stated “at every point in our history unionists have tried to oppress us into believing we are second class citizens but this is where it stops. My daughters will not grow up thinking they are inferior, we are a strong group brought together by this abuse of our civil rights”.108 _{Writing for the newspaper as ‘Fr Des,’}

columnist Desmond Wilson demanded “law and penalties first, ecumenical discussion and persuasion afterwards. That is the right pattern and it does work”.109 _{The newspaper noted}

that the “British are talking about reforming the discredited criminal justice system here. They could do worse than start with bringing the full weight of the law to bear on the sick bigots bullying schoolchildren in North Belfast”.110 _{One parent attempted to initiate legal}

action against the protesters, although this was ultimately unsuccessful.111

105 _{“Spotlight: Teach the Children.”} 106 _Ibid.

107 _{M Doherty, letter to the editor, Andersonstown News, October 8, 2001, 21.} 108 _{“Holy Cross parents to make history,” Andersonstown News, October 27, 2001, 12.} 109 _{Fr Des, “The roots of injustice,” Andersonstown News, September 8, 2001, 18.} 110 _{“Holy Cross horror must be halted,” Andersonstown News, October 29, 2001, 8.}

111 _{Allison Morris, “Archbishop Tutu Visits Holy Cross: South African cleric prays with children and teachers}

as parents begin legal action to try to bring nine-week primary school blockade to an end,” Andersonstown

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In addition to being the subjects of interviews, some parents of the Holy Cross children gave their own testimonies. For example, Elizabeth Irvine wrote an article in the

Irish News on 30 October urging protesters, rather than parents, to take the first step towards

ending the protest.112 _{A public demonstration against the Holy Cross protest occurred in}

nationalist west Belfast, where “500 people” gathered in a “demonstration of solidarity” organised by Sinn Féin.113 _{One parent even began a hunger strike.}114 _{Holy Cross parents held}

alternative protests, most notably at Belfast City Hall and Stormont. News of the Stormont protest included reports that the RTE had asked to see David Trimble, but were denied access to the First Minister.115 _{These demonstrations functioned as counter-protests to those}

taking place on the Ardoyne Road, attempting to demonstrate ‘legitimate’ forms of protest, compared to the perceived sectarian blockade of Holy Cross. By using the media, the parents also responded to accusations by the protesters, especially claims of ethnic cleansing. The ethnic cleansing claim was rejected by the Irish News which quoted one parent as saying “this is ethnic cleansing,” but that it was directed at the parents, because the protesters “just don’t want Catholic people around here”.116

Supporters also took to the media to defend parents from attacks. One letter to An

Phoblacht declared that the “parents in Belfast were completely blameless in the

circumstances. Bigots and bullies should not be allowed to force children in the back door by a roundabout route through another school's playground, football pitch and field. This would be the road to back to 1967, of second-class citizen status, resentment and despair”.117

The claim of second class citizenship and nationalist victimhood throughout the Troubles was already an overriding historical metanarrative for republicans,118 _{and one that could be}

easily adapted for the Holy Cross dispute.