ANÁLISIS E INTERPRETACIÓN DE DATOS

This chapter contributes to debates on the meaning of web-based interactions for queer lives and queer communities. Whilst Chapter 4 detailed the resources available to gay Nazi fetishists in the Internet age, here I analyse how members of GaySS made sense of the benefits and limitations of the Internet for enabling their

sexual exploration and sexual practice.

An increasing amount of research has stressed both the popularity of the Internet amongst a range of ‘queer’ individuals and also its importance in their everyday lives. Cyberspace has been conceptualised as a ‘queer haven’ (Campbell, 2004), as a place where gay identities can be performed without fear of repercussion (Shaw, 1997). It has also been argued that the Internet might be responsible for lowering the age at which lesbians and gay men are ‘coming out’ (Alexander, 2002b). This chapter is therefore an important contribution to ‘cyber-queer’ research which, as Wakeford (2002) has argued, lacks discussion that examines the mundane, everyday uses to which the Internet is put by sexual minorities. Moreover, although online sexuality research often alludes to the Internet’s role in facilitating fetishistic sexual interests and in enabling the formation of groups and communities centred on these, relatively few studies have made this the focus of enquiry (Bell, 2006;

Mowlabocus, 2007; Rambukkana, 2007) and even fewer have drawn directly from the voices of sexual fetishists themselves.

The chapter is split into two sections. The first discusses the reasons which my respondents gave for using the Internet to explore their sexual fetish and, in particular, their decision to become members of GaySS. The second section examines how my respondents claimed to use the Internet.

Why do Gay Nazi Fetishists use the Internet?

In this section, I discuss the reasons provided by my respondents for using the Internet to explore their sexual fetish for Nazis and Nazi uniforms. During the interviews, three main reasons were advanced: (i) sexual fetishisms are difficult to explore offline; (ii) the Internet is a haven for those with a variety of non-normative sexual appetites; (iii) there were concerns about the politics of Nazi fetishism and other Nazi fetishists.

Exploring Nazi Fetishism Offline

In a study of gay men’s use of online chat rooms, Campbell (2004) argued that participation in these spaces was motivated by dissatisfaction with offline sexual possibilities. He writes that:

Perhaps some turn to cyberspace as an arena in which to explore their bodies and bodily pleasures outside the conventions of daily life. This may prove especially true for those who find themselves members of a sexual minority, and particularly for those marginalized within their respective sexual minority due to race, age, body type, or desire

(Campbell, 2004: 17).

In other words, people often turn to cyberspace either to hide their predilections or to hide their appearance. My respondents straddled both groups, frequently noting that they found it difficult to explore their sexuality through offline means.

That said, it would be inaccurate to argue that sexual fetishists were unable to meet one another before the advent of the Internet or that they relied only on online means to forge relationships. Meeting strategies have long existed for those with a predilection for socially stigmatised (and sometimes illegal) sex, despite their often unsuccessful and risky nature. One of my informants, Eric (who was 90 years old), spoke about a range of techniques he had used to meet homosexual men with a leather fetish even in 1930s Britain:

Eric: There was a weekly publication called “Exchange & Mart”, which had thousands of items from A to Z, for sale or trade. Thursdays, the day of publication, was a special day for me! I soon found that not all articles offered for sale were actually for sale. Some leather fans would offer an item for sale and then invite whoever replied to meet them. Sometimes this lead to a gay contact, otherwise the advertiser could “change his mind about selling”, if the guy was straight or not to his liking.

These strategies were potentially dangerous. As Eric noted with regards to his own experiences, ‘it was a risky business, since it could lead to a trap or even blackmail for being gay’.

Of course, since the 1930s, there has been significant changes in legal and social attitudes towards homosexuality, both in Britain and elsewhere. The decriminalisation of homosexual relations, as well as the increasing proliferation of openly gay spaces (such as bars and nightclubs) means that meeting other homosexuals is easier than before. Nonetheless ‘gay’ is not a monolithic identity but encapsulates a range of individuals who eroticise different body types and engage in a range of different sexual practices (Whittier and Simon, 2001), and, as my informants stressed, meeting gay people who harboured similar sexual fetishses still proved tricky.

Whilst recognising the possibility of forging non-normative and fetishistic sexual relationships offline, my respondents noted that this was rare. One method was to frequent bars, nightclubs and shops which were most likely to attract individuals with similar sexual fetishes and to cruise for sex. As David noted:

David: I have met a few friends at bars or clubs and contacts can be made in some of the clothes shops that cater for skinheads, such as the London Boot Store or Shelly’s, although obviously these contacts are not so direct and usually involve a few visits under the pretence of updating your wardrobe!

Men with similar sexual fetishes could be identified through paying attention to the clothes they wore or the products that they bought. However, as David suggested, this method was not particularly direct and rarely lead to sexual encounters.

Many of my respondents also commented that they disliked the gay scene with Peter saying that nightclubs were ‘not really for me’, and Daniel stating that ‘I am not really a “party animal”, I like to talk a lot!’. This may be related to the age range of my respondents which, as noted in Chapter 3, contained two men in their twenties and thirteen who were over forty years old. Thomas, 49 years old, was particularly forthright in expressing his distaste of clubs:

Thomas: In my late 30s and 40s I was determined to try and give gay leather clubs a chance. But I just don’t work in bars – within 5 minutes of being there, I think of all the time I’m wasting, and that when I’m ready to die, I will regret all the minutes I stood around in bars doing nothing.

This is not to deny that some men did use clubs as ways through which to meet people. However, fetish clubs were generally described as the ‘harder end of the spectrum’ (David) and thus tended to be confined to large cities. Moreover, some respondents were not comfortable with the thought of entering overtly sadomasochistic and fetishistic offline space feeling, as I note later in the chapter, far more relaxed participating in online fetish groups.

Another way through which these men could meet like-minded sexual contacts was through personal advertisements placed in various gay and SM publications. Although those interested in leather or SM more generally could openly state their

sexual inclinations in such media, references to Nazism were always far more covert. My informants told me how Nazi fetishists relied on certain codes in order to make their interests clear to those ‘in the know’:

Alex There was always a chance of getting into contact through ads in Toy or SM. This meant you had to read between the lines what kind of games were requested.

David: They were very hard to come across and one had to rely on coded words such as “m88s” and “bruder” in order to make sure you were speaking to a like minded person. I tried to use them a few times but never had much luck!

Although personal advertisements continue to exist in most gay publications, my respondents always referred to them in the past tense (‘there was always a chance’, ‘they were very hard to come across) and none said that they made use of them any longer. One reason for this was that personal advertisements involved a degree of ‘trial and error’ because of the need to ‘read between the lines’ and use ‘coded words’. Moreover, not only were advertisements specifically alluding to Nazi fetishism rare, but relatively little information could be gleaned from them since they were brief and contained no photographs. In contrast, the Internet was seen as a richer resource through which to meet sexual contacts.

The respondents who had the most success in securing Nazi fetish sex through offline means were well integrated in particular SM scenes. This was the case for Simon and Alex, who had their first experiences of ‘Nazi sex’ in the 1980s. Both continued to actively participate within SM circles, which meant that their

particular sexual preferences were widely known amongst their peers. During one of our email discussions, Simon told me that:

Simon: Even though a lot of S&M clubs don't want Nazi symbols displayed it was common knowledge amongst the members [of the clubs] as to what everyone was in to. As I was active in several of these clubs I didn't need to go the “trial and error” route [looking out for signs that someone has a sexual interest in Nazism]. However, you must bear in mind, that this fetish is not that common, even in the S&M clubs.

Those with a particular sexual interest in Nazism may be unable to openly advertise their sexual predilection within these spaces, either because the display of such insignia is banned or because of worries about causing ‘offence’ to others acts as a deterrent. In fact, many of my participants said that they refused to wear Nazi insignia in public, even when not explicitly prohibited, claiming that it was only acceptable to do so in ‘private’. Moreover, as Simon noted, the rarity of the Nazi fetish meant that finding others to practice it with was not always easy. Alex had also made a number of contacts through his longstanding participation in offline SM clubs. However, since the death of his primary long-term sexual partner, a Nazi fetishist whom he met during the 1980s, he had increasingly turned to the Internet as a way to arrange what he termed ‘Kameradensex’.

As this section has illustrated, one key ‘push factor’ which motivated the uptake of the Internet by my respondents was the difficulty, although not impossibility, in meeting like-minded men offline. As I have illustrated, offline meeting methods tended to be viewed as riskier than their online counterparts and were generally

considered to be less successful. Whilst those well-integrated into SM scenes were more likely to find partners for Nazi fetish sex, the rarity and sensitivity of this particular fetish meant that meeting like-minded men was still relatively difficult. In contrast, the Internet was identified as an ideal space through which to explore non-normative sexual interests. Indeed, it is to this issue that I now turn.

Exploring Sexual Interests Online

Amidst the difficulties involved in exploring sexual fetishisms offline, the Internet was constructed as a space rife with sexual possibilities and opportunities. My respondents happily drew attention to the wide range of sexual groups that existed online and the unrivalled opportunities that these provided for exploring and satisfying desires that might otherwise remain suppressed.

My respondents claimed different degrees and kinds of interest in Nazi fetishism. For 12 of them, Nazis were the prime figure in their erotic fantasies. For instance, James dedicated the vast majority of his spare time to writing and re-writing detailed Nazi sexual fantasies and was considering setting up a website based on these. Daniel described the Nazi as his ‘favourite’ example of uniformed men. Both David and Mikey had spent thousands of pounds buying replica Nazi uniforms which they used in offline sexual role-plays. For these men, and others like them, Nazis and Nazi paraphernalia were central to their erotic lives and fantasies.

GaySS, thus, provided a means through which to explore their most potent erotic

desires.

The other group, comprising nine respondents, identified the Nazi as only one amongst their many sexual fetishes.38 Their other shared interests included uniforms, leather, boots and SM sex, all of which were common-place on Nazi fetish groups. Many of these men claimed to be members of a multitude of sexually themed groups. Darren reported that ‘I belong to many groups similar to GaySS, though they are mostly Master-slave or Top/bottom energies, or simply hot muscular top guys’. Martin, a 60 year old, Swedish psychologist told me that he participated on a range of Webland groups, ‘dealing with extreme relations like Master/Slave, Captivity, Torture, Scat/Piss sex, and even Cannibal issues’. In making such statements, my respondents resisted being simplistically reduced to ‘Nazi fetishists’ and instead highlighted how their membership of GaySS was but one aspect of their wider Internet use.39 They harboured complex and disparate desires which the Internet allowed them to explore.

Other examples emerged. Eric, a 90 year old British man, told me that that his membership of GaySS corresponded with 80 years of investment in leather-centred eroticism:

38

One respondent, Michael, claimed to have no sexual interest in Nazism. His reasons for joining

GaySS are discussed later in this chapter.

39

In Chapter 7 I discuss how all of my participants negotiated their relationship with political Nazism. It may be that these men’s assertions that GaySS was one of many groups which they were a member of was a technique through which they minimised the politically problematic nature of