There are a couple of ways in which the attempt to move upward from the claims of individual psychology to the claims of collective psychology can be carried our. First, it could be the case that collective psychological phenomena are definable in terms of individual psychological states. For example, ascriptions of psychological states to a collectivity might be read distributively, or as summative claims about the members of a collectivity (cf., Gilbert 1989). According to such an analysis of a collective belief attribution,
A collectivity C believes that P iff all or most of the members of C believe that P. This, however, is an insufficient model of collective belief attribution. After all, if every individual in a collectivity privately believes that P, but no one ever shares her belief that P with any other member of the collectivity, we would be unwilling to say of the collectivity
that it believed that P on this basis. Consider the case of a hiring decision in a philosophy department. If everyone in the department believed that hiring a candidate would be good idea, but everyone kept this belief private, we would be unwilling to say of the department that it thinks that this hire is a good idea—even though every member of the department thinks that it’s a good idea. We might, then, modify this definition to say something like:
A collectivity, C, believes that P iff 1) most members of C believe that P, and 2) it’s common knowledge in C that most members of C believe that P.
However, this claim has problems as well. The most troubling worry is that information can sneak in under the common knowledge condition that is irrelevant to the belief of the collectivity qua belief of the collectivity. So, for example, it could be the case that every member of a philosophy department hiring committee believes that the fall semester begins in late August, and it could also be the case that it’s common knowledge among the members of that committee that all of the members of the committee believe that the fall semester begins in late August, and this belief could be so utterly irrelevant to any decision that the committee makes about hiring that it would seem strange to attribute to the committee a belief that the fall semester begins in late August.61 Perhaps this suggests that summative models of collective beliefs are too weak to count as viable analyses of collective belief attributions.62
Moreover, there are numerous cases where we claim that a group believes that P when none of the individual member of that collectivity believe that P. Again, consider the case of a hiring decision in a philosophy department. It could be the case that there is no member of the faculty who believes that the present candidate is the best candidate to hire. However, it might still be the case that every member of the faculty is willing to assent to the claim ‘the philosophy department believes that this is the best candidate for the job’ qua
61 The reasoning here is grounded on the thought that we shouldn’t attribute to the hiring committee qua hiring
committee any beliefs that are irrelevant to hiring.
62 Moreover, as Bill Lycan (personal correspondence) has pointed out, this analysis ignores all of the relevant
power relations at play in such a group. It is possible that most of the members of the hiring committee believe that person A is the right candidate to hire, and that it is common knowledge that most of the member of the committee believes that person A is the right candidate to hire, but that the department chair and the head of the hiring committee believe that person A should not be hired. In this case, the fact that the majority believe that person A should be hired, even coupled with the common knowledge constraint, is insufficient to tell us anything interesting about how the hiring committee is likely to behave.
member of the department even if she is unwilling to assent to this claim as a privately held belief. This suggests that summative models are too strong (as well as too weak) to count as analyses of collective belief attributions.
One final approach to offering the sort of definitions that are required by the Millian begins by noting that the theoretical terms of psychology can be defined as the occupants of a particular causal role, or at least in terms of the typical causes and effects of that particular sort of mental phenomena (cf., Lewis, 1972; Armstrong, 1980). According to this view, the theoretical terms of the ascription of psychological states to collectivities can be implicitly defined within the theory in which they occur. As such, these theoretical terms can always be replaced in any explanation by their definientia (e.g., by a suitable Ramsification of the terms), providing a way of fully explaining the presence of some collective psychological phenomena by way of the simpler entities of the psychological sciences. On this approach, we begin by supposing that a particular mental state of a collectivity (e.g., the intention to run the Princeton Offense) is going to be defined as whatever fills the causal role of getting people in the positions that are required in order to run the Princeton Offense and getting them to move in the ways that are constitutive of the Princeton Offense. We then suppose that empirical investigation into the cases in which the Princeton Offense is run will reveal that the occupant of this role is a set of individual beliefs about where each of the individuals need to be. It will then follow, straightforwardly, that since the collective intention to run the Princeton Offence is whatever fills the role of getting the individual players in the right positions, and since what gets the individual players in the right position is their individual beliefs, these individual beliefs just are the intention to run the Princeton Offense.
There are, however, serious problems with this position as well. First, the mere fact that the two levels of explanation pick out the same phenomena does not entail that the higher level of explanation should be abandoned. Even if it were true that the psychological state of a collectivity and the psychological states of the individuals that composed that collectivity were identical, there might still be reasons to retain both sorts of explanatory structures (and this is something that even Mill wouldn’t deny!). In fact, offering the sort of analysis that is required by this causal model might even provide us with reasons to retain collective mental states in our ontology. I agree wholeheartedly that our commonsense understanding of mental states is likely be vindicated, though perhaps with substantial revision, by the cognitive sciences. However, even if there are token identities between an individual’s mental state and the state of her brain, this does not thereby commit us to eliminativism about the mental.
As I’ve already noted, there are substantial counterfactual stabilities both in the case of individual and collective psychology, that are not present in the explanations that appeal to the realizers of these states. Moreover, commonsense psychology is extremely useful in prediction and explanation—and it’s useful precisely because it generalizes across individuals and across collectivities. When we want to explain why a person ducks as a basketball is thrown at her face, our best bet is to appeal to the psychological state of the individual (she didn’t want to get hit in the face with a basketball because she thought it would hurt) rather than to her neurological state. In the same way, if I want to explain why UNC is likely to struggle in a game against Georgetown in the same way that it struggled in a game against NC State, I will be much better off if I explain this prediction by noting that UNC plays a transition offense and both NC State and Georgetown play a Princeton Offense.
The explanation here will turn on the ways in which a Princeton Offense is used to slow down the tempo and keep the score low (which is incredibly detrimental, if executed correctly, to a transition offense). Moreover, I can offer this explanation without regard to the particular players on either team. However, just as I might appeal to facts about a particular person’s neurology in order to explain why the standard psychological explanations fail, I will also be able to appeal to particular facts about particular players in order to explain why UNC would have no difficulty dispensing with Northwestern even though they too play the Princeton Offense. The point here is that the ascription of an intention to run the Princeton Offense does a lot of work so far as our predictions about upcoming basketball games are concerned, and that it generalizes in a way that appealing to facts about particular players psychologies doesn’t.
Second, it is unlikely that the relevant sorts of identities will have the form required by the Millian model. In order for this sort of model to be correct, it will have to be true a priori that a particular mental state is identical to whatever has the right sort of causal structure. If materialism is true, then it will be true that there are some physical realizers for every mental state. However, it would be an interesting discovery that there is some reasonably homogeneous class of neurological states that will count as an individual’s intention play her role in running the Princeton Offense. In fact, it seems fairly unreasonable to assume that there will be such a unified class of occupants for this role. Things get even more ugly when we start to consider the heterogeneity of the class of individual states that could implement the collective intention to run the Princeton Offense. Though there will assuredly be some class of individual mental states that give rise to this collective intention, what the relation is between these states at the level of individual psychology is an empirical
question in a way that is not allowed by this sort of causal theory of mind. Although it may turn out that there is some sort of identity to be found between the mental states of a collectivity and the mental states of the individuals that compose that collectivity, there is little reason to think that this is something that we can figure out without investigating the phenomena in question.
Finally, as Michael Bratman (1987) and John Searle (1990a) and argued, no set of psychological states of the form ‘I believe P’, even when supplemented with some sort of common knowledge criteria, can ever be summed up to produce a psychological state of the form ‘we believe P’. The problem is that in any case where we find an attribution of a mental state to a collectivity, we find that even though there are individual intentions that can be used to explain at any point what is happening in a group, these intentions are often derived from collective intentions. Thus, when a basketball team tries to run the Princeton Offense, the play might start with four players outside the arc and one player inside. The players will then keep the ball in constant motion until a player at the post tries to make a backdoor cut (hoping for a bounce-pass so that she can take a lay-up) or until a defensive mismatch (for example, when the opponent packs the paint to prevent backdoor cuts) allows a for a three- point shot from the perimeter. Now, while it might be the case that every individual on the team has the belief “we should run the Princeton Offense” this individual belief is something that has to be derived from the coordination that occurs between these players as a team.63 An individual cannot run the Princeton Offense by herself. Moreover, even if every individual has the belief that she should run the Princeton Offense (and the corresponding desire to do so) this will not suffice to produce a Princeton Offense. Finally, even if every
63 NB: there are ways of developing this position into an argument for individualism. I return to this in the next
individual has the belief that they should run the Princeton Offense (and the corresponding desire to do so), and every individual has the belief that every other individual has the relevant beliefs and desire to run the Princeton offense, this will not suffice for running the Princeton Offense unless there has been a coordinating decision by the team as a whole to do so. Since, individual beliefs by themselves cannot insure the relevant sort of coordination, they’re not going to be sufficient to explain the collective intention.
At this point, we have good reason to think that there is not a straightforward way in which we can define the psychological states of the collectivity in terms of the psychological states of individuals. However, the reduction of the collective psychology to individual psychology does not require explicit definition of social phenomena in terms of the psychological states of individuals. Instead, if there is a reductive story to be told about collective psychological phenomena, it may be told in terms of functional analyses or functional decompositions of the relevant collective psychological phenomena into facts about the individual psychological states that compose the collective state. I turn now to this approach.