This discussion will now turn from its consideration of ideas put forth supporting an age/stage-related progression of emotionality in children, and will move to the main investigative concentration of this thesis: individual differences in children's abilities with respect to this emerging understanding. A number of studies have demonstrated individual differences in children's understanding of basic emotions, including both the labelling and expressing of those emotions. With particular interest to this thesis, substantial variability has been observed across children in the onset of their appreciation of, and extent to which they correctly understand, the relationship between 'situations' and four basic emotions:
happiness, sadness, anger, fear, (see Camras, 1989; Field & Walden, 1982; Stifter & Fox, 1986). A number o f factors influencing children's understanding of emotions have been identified. However, these individual differences in the development o f emotionality seem to have two main sources; the effects o f the family/caregiving environment and the effect o f genes. Emotionality is shaped by genetics mainly by way of a construct known as temperament, or genetic bias. Emotionality is shaped in the family environment largely through language and caregivers' response to emotions. Specific family factors which have been identified as influential upon emotional development are: rate of talk about
feelings and emotional expressivity, general quality o f family relationships (Brown & Dunn, 1996), maternal sensitivity (Ainsworth, Bell, & Stayton, 1974), as well as the attachment relationship (see Cassidy, 1994). The following sections will discuss some literature relevant to these influential variables, and, through the discussion of the family/caregiving environment, will highlight the main hypothesis of this thesis: that attachment relationships within the caregiving setting are
ultimately the strongest predictors o f qualitative differences in emotionality. 1.2.1. Temperament
From the very first hours of life children show marked individual differences in their behaviour and emotions. Some babies are placid and easily calmed when upset. Others are more passionate; they become upset easily and intensely. Some babies enjoy social interaction and engage with other people easily. Others become distressed when people try to play with them; they attempt to withdraw. Such differences are called "temperament."
(Oatley & Jenkins, 1996, p. 209)
There are numerous theoretical definitions o f temperament (Goldsmith, 1993; Buss & Plomin, 1975; Rothbart, 1981). Some place emphasis on the concept of emotions in their portrayals o f temperament, and others do not. Campos,
Barrett, Lamb, Goldsmith, and Stenberg (1983), for example, attempt to shed light upon the link between temperament and emotionality. These researchers argue that temperament is based on an innate structure that organises the expression of
emotion, and that most o f the dimensions of temperament form part of a system for how emotions are expressed. They illustrate this by showing how various
dimensions o f temperament, which have been identified by temperament theorists, relate directly to basic emotions.
Empirical efforts to examine temperament and its relationship with individual differences in emotionality reveal many inconsistencies. The
measurement of temperament generally involves parents rating their children on how quickly they become angry, or parents' assessment o f how fearful their child is in a given situation. Temperament is also, however, assessed through observational measurements. The main dimensions o f temperament have been reliably identified (Campos et al., 1983), but evaluations o f the heritability of these various facets seem to vary depending on whether the measure is based on observation or parental report, the design o f the study, and also the dimension o f temperament being assessed.
A number of twin studies show that emotionality is, indeed, affected by heritable, constitutional factors (Matheny, Wilson, Dolan, & Krantz, 1981; Matheny & Dolan, 1975; Goldsmith & Campos, 1982). These studies reveal that agreement is higher for monozygotic twins (twins that share genes) than dizygotic (twins that have separate genes) on a variety of temperament variables. Goldsmith (1993) found that, based on parental report, activity level, fear, and distress in response to limitations all showed strong genetic influences. Other 'emotion' factors, such as
soothability, showed slight genetic influences. However, in an investigation
conducted by Emde, Plomin, Robinson, Corley, DeFries, Fulker, Reznick, Campos, Kagan, and Zahn-Waxler (1992), a less clear picture emerged. 200 pairs of 14- month-old twins, half monozygotic and half dizygotic, were studied. Some measures of emotionality and temperament of the children were assessed by parental report, some by independent observers, and some by both. Genetic
influence was evident for behavioural inhibition (measured by observation) and for the similar construct of shyness (measured by both parental report and observation). Parental reports o f temperament and negative emotion also indicated genetic effect. There was, however, no evidence from observational measures o f genetic effects for the majority o f emotional variables. These included such things as negative and positive emotion, overall mood, and frustration. Overall findings of this study are extremely unclear; some results even conflicted for measures claiming to measure the same construct. Method of measurement obviously confuses these findings even further. When negative emotionality was rated by parents,
heritability estimates were high, but when rated by observers, heritability estimates were low. Twin studies, in general, indicate that genetic influences play a role in children's emotionality, although these studies do not make clear the power and nature o f this role.
Using another research design, emotional characteristics of parents and either their biological or adopted children have been studied. These studies show less strong evidence of the heritability of emotional styles than the twin studies such as mentioned above (Plomin, 1988). A study by Belsky, Fish, and Isabella (1991) claims to show, further, that even where individual differences in infant
emotionality are present in the first few months o f life, the assumption cannot be made that they are purely inherent. These researchers examined changes in infants' negative and positive emotionality between three and nine months in relation to various family characteristics. Children who changed from low to high levels of negative emotionality, as compared with children who continued to show low levels o f negative emotionality throughout the assessments, had fathers who were less affectively oriented towards others, less positive about their marriages before their infants were bom, and who disagreed more with their wives regarding the amount o f involvement they had with their infant. Those infants who changed from high to low levels of negative emotionality had mothers who were high in self esteem, who reported less negative marriages, and who showed more
complementary interactions with their infants, as compared to infants who remained high in levels o f negative emotionality. Stability and change in infants'
emotionality over time seems, therefore, to be affected by such environmental variables as emotional atmosphere of the family environment. The present
investigation will contribute evidence to the literature with respect to the influential power o f temperament upon emotional development.
1.2.2. Language
Among the processes that are important in individual patterns of emotional expression the role of language is considered vital. Dunn and her colleagues (Dunn et al., 1991a) have demonstrated the importance of talk about emotions in relation to later emotional understanding. They recorded talk o f feeling states between mothers and children, and with siblings, when the children were three years old. The average number of these type of conversations (defined as two or
more speaker turns between the child and another family member) was 8.4 per hour; some families had as few as two, others as many as 25 such conversations per hour. They found that such talk about feelings has long-term consequences for children's understanding o f emotional communications. The more mothers talked to their children about feeling states at three years o f age, the more skilled the children were in making judgments about the emotions displayed by unfamiliar adults when they were six years old. Discussion of negative feelings was most strongly related to an increased ability to understand and identify emotions in a standardised task. Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, and King (1979) found that parental explanations and reasoning (delivered at intense emotional levels) were associated with increased displays of empathy in children. When children were given better information about internal states of others by their parents through language, they were better able to respond with understanding and concern for others. Cicchetti and Beeghly (1987) compared the talk about emotion states o f a group of maltreated children with that o f a group of children of similar socio economic background who were not maltreated. Toddlers who had been maltreated used fewer words about internal states and about negative emotions such as hatred, anger, and disgust. The authors conclude that these maltreated children had such patterns o f emotionality because they either had not much opportunity in their home environments to discuss emotion states, or were made afraid to do so by negative consequences.
Evidence shows, then, that the expressive language o f parents and other caregivers contributes heavily to the emotional experience of children, and, further, that with the child's development of language much can be revealed about
individual differences in the understanding o f emotions and emotional experience. Expansive emotional communication, such as that which has been documented within the family setting, serves to pass on to the child the cultural and familial rules of emotional expression, helping the child to structure the expression of his/her own emotional experience, and, further, yielding information for him/her about the emotional experience of others. The present study will consider
individual differences in the verbal expression o f emotion in early childhood and also the apparently influential variable o f language.
1.2.3. Maternal sensitivity
Ainsworth et al. (1974) have proposed a theory o f individual differences in emotional development which introduces the predictiveness of maternal sensitivity. Beginning with enquiry into the first, most primitive, emotional expression, crying (Bell & Ainsworth, 1972), Ainsworth proposes that the responsiveness of caregiver to this emotional display affects the expression of this and other subsequent
emotional signals. Ainsworth sees crying and responsiveness to crying as behaviours which are crucial to survival. Crying is the earliest mode of
communication for the child, and is undifferentiated at first. Ainsworth sees crying as the beginning of emotional expression, which later integrates into the existing wider range of communicative signals seen in older children and adults. This can be observed as crying decreases with age, and other more complex modes of communication take over. The older child uses all other modes o f complex
communication, resorting finally to crying when all else fails. Ainsworth's question is, "What facilitates this outcome?" Her conclusion pinpoints varying qualities of parental care. In 1972 Bell and Ainsworth began to study crying in infancy.
exploring the relationship between maternal responsiveness to infant's crying and the changes in frequency and duration of crying which result. Findings, in this sample, indicate that maternal responsiveness is the main factor accounting for different crying levels. Bell and Ainsworth found that, by the fourth quarter of the first year o f life, both frequency and duration of crying were affected by maternal sensitivity and maternal acceptance. Maternal sensitivity was found to be
associated with a steady decrease in duration and frequency o f crying, the typical outcome. Bell and Ainsworth carried this further to see if other modes of
emotional communication had developed to replace crying, for those whose crying had decreased. Subtle signals involving facial expression, gesture, and vocalisation were noted. Findings showed that the babies who were most competent in
developing useful communication were the same infants who cried little and thus had high levels o f maternal sensitivity and acceptance. The authors conclude that crying is the earliest system of emotional expression, and that high levels of
maternal responsiveness to it decrease crying behaviour and increase developmental levels o f more complex emotional communication. The theory and research work of Ainsworth presented here is linked with that of her predecessor and collaborator, John Bowlby, regarding the foundation of attachment theory. Ainsworth's work advocates the notion of attachment-related emotional development by showing that crying, the most primitive emotional expression, becomes differentiated into complex expressions at differing levels as a function of varied responsiveness in care. Empirical work shows, furthermore, that variability in maternal sensitivity is directly related to varying attachment qualities (Ainsworth et al., 1978;
Quality of early experience with parent, including the influential role of parental responsiveness as a predictor of variance in emotionality, will be discussed in greater detail below in light of attachment theory.
1.2.4. Attachment
1.2.4.a. Definins attachment and normative development
The most researched kind of early emotional relationship is that o f attachment, the relationship of infant to parent, in which a sense o f trust is built upon the parent's responses to the [infant's emotion].
(Oatley & Jenkins, 1996, p. 219)
Attachment may be defined as a tie of affection existing between animals or persons which endures over time. Attachment behaviours are understood to reflect a desire within an attachment relationship to maintain a degree o f proximity to, or close physical contact with, the attachment figure and/or a desire simply for
interaction and/or communication. With his own theory o f emotional development, John Bowlby set the theoretical foundation for attachment theory (1958, 1969,
1973), inspiring related theoretical and empirical work among developmental psychologists all over the world, which continues to date. Attachment theory emphasises three things:
(a) the primary status and biological function of intimate emotional bonds between individuals, the making and maintaining o f which are...to be
controlled...within the central nervous system, utilizing working models of self and attachment figure in relationship with each other [and working models thereafter for other intimate relationships]
(b) the powerful influence on a child's development of the ways he is treated by his parents
(c) that present knowledge of infant and child development requires that a theory of developmental pathways should replace theories that invoke specific
phases of development in which it is held a person may become fixated and/or to which he may regress
(Bowlby, 1988, p. 120)
John Bowlby (1969), rejecting the model o f development in which an individual is seen to pass through stages in which he/she may become fixated or regress, did, however, identify four progressive phases in the human formation of attachments. These phases are taken as a rough outline of the beginnings and development of attachment and attachment behaviours, rather than as sharp developmental boundaries which exist (Bowlby, 1988).
In phase one, the infant's ability to discriminate among people is limited to smell and sound. Behaviour during this stage involves such characteristic actions as orienting towards any person within the immediate environment, tracking eye movements, grasping, reaching, smiling, and vocalised noises. At this stage, as at all stages, an infant cries. Cries are often ended when the infant hears a voice, or sees a face. Each of these initial infant behaviours can be seen as possibly
increasing the time the infant is in proximity with the person, or people around him/her. According to Saami (1989) the value of the expressive displays, such as crying, which are available to an infant upon birth, is in fact to modify the
behaviour of those within the infant's environment, particularly the primary
caregiver, so that the probability of survival is increased. This phase lasts, roughly from birth to eight weeks. After about twelve weeks these social responses become much more intense.
In phase two, orientation and signals are directed towards one or more figures which have been discriminated. During this period, infants continue with phase one behaviour, but in a much stronger sense, directing the behaviours towards the primary caregiver. By about four weeks o f age, differential responsiveness with concern to auditory stimuli has been observed, as has
differential responsiveness with concern to visual stimuli by ten weeks. By twelve weeks, for most infants, both of these discriminations are fully active. This phase of discrimination of primary caregiver from others continues at this level until about six months o f age.
Phase three is highlighted by the infant's maintaining proximity to the discriminated caregiver by use of signals as well as through new-found mobility. Here, the infant continues to fine-tune discriminations among people. His/her behaviour differs with respect to different people in the environment. Included within this are behavioural responses which are unique to primary caregiver — a unique response following the departure of caregiver, a unique response upon caregiver's return, and the use of caregiver as a base from which to explore. Here, friendly and largely undiscriminated responses to others are made more specific. The infant at stage three also chooses secondary attachment figures, in addition to discriminating between others who are figures in life, but who are not objects of attachment. Strangers here are differentiated and are treated with caution. During this phase one may see the beginnings of behaviour organisation with respect to a new understanding of the caregiver's goals and of the infant's own. The infant, or the young child, begins to maintain proximity by what Bowlby calls "simply organised goal-corrected systems" (Bowlby, 1988) by using a primitive cognitive
map. Within this cognitive map, the caregiver comes to be seen as an independent object, moving predictably and persistently in space and time. At phase three, though this concept has been attained, it cannot be assumed that the child fully understands what influences caregiver's movements, or the behaviours that can be adopted to change caregiver's behaviours. The latter are mediated by caregiver's own various and complex goals. At phase three the ability to decide what these goals are and to act according to this decision is at its beginning and still not complete within the infant's realm o f understanding.
This phase, in general, begins at six or seven months in some and in others perhaps not until after the first year. A delay in this phase usually occurs in infants who have had little contact with a primary figure. Phase three seems to continue through the second year, into the third. Mention should also be made here of Piaget's concept of "object permanence" (Piaget, 1970). From the
observations of Piaget, it is important to note that at this stage the infant has begun to search for hidden objects, showing the first signs o f understanding the
permanence of an object which is outside the perceptual field. Acquisition of this concept is a very important consideration within the realm o f attachment theory