study, which outlines to the reader how the research is going to be carried out (Thomas, 2010). A single embedded case study design was chosen for this research because it seeks to understand the varying experiences of protracted Palestinian refugees through the interpretation of their perspectives and activities within a specific setting (Gillham, 2000). The case study focuses on Transjordanians, Palestinian Jordanians, and ex-Gazans in Kafa, Jordan. Because of the political sensitivity of the topic under study, and in order to protect the participants involved, the city and the refugee camps have been
146
anonymised (See Appendix 3, Table 3.1, page 402 for a description
of the main pseudonyms).
While case studies can be applied in a positivist paradigm, one is used here within an interpretive paradigm because it allows for the beliefs and experiences of research participants to be sought and
understood in their natural environment (Luck et al., 2006). A case
study design was believed to be most suited for this thesis because it is a powerful tool for understanding diverse experiences and perceptions of women and men within real-life settings, and in situations where what is researched is highly dependent and linked to the context in which it takes place (Yin, 2003).
Many feminist scholars have advocated for the use of case
studies in research because of their capacity to ‘vividly convey the
dimensions of a social phenomenon’ (Reinharz, 1992: 174) through multiple sources of evidence. Moreover, case studies allow comparative analysis to be carried out within specific contextual settings (Yin, 2003). Rather than aiming to reach generalisations,
case studies focus on ‘specificity, exceptions and completeness’
(Reinharz, 1992: 174), which according to feminists allows greater inclusivity of vulnerable groups, such as women.
A single, rather than multiple, case study was chosen, because this study does not aim to generalise its findings (Yin, 2003). Instead, it aims to generate rich and in-depth data about the livelihood strategies of protracted refugee women and men and the influence that gender and citizenship has in shaping their experiences. The value of the study is in the rich content and
147 analysis, which in turn may be of interest to future research in similar contexts of protracted refugees (Yin, 2003).
This case study is descriptive and interpretative (Yin, 2009), as it describes and tries to explain the intersection of gender and citizenship in shaping the experiences of protracted refugees in accessing further education and employment. A single embedded case study design was chosen because it targets a variety of research participants, including policy makers and training and employment service providers, as well as employers and employed and unemployed Transjordanians, Palestinian Jordanians and ex- Gazans in Kafa.
A justification for this study’s research design has been presented in the section above. The section that follows will provide a brief description of the site selected for this single case study, as well as of the camps embedded in it.
Selection of Case Study Site: Kafa
The city of Kafa, located in the north of Jordan (See Chapter Two: Setting for more demographic data on this city) was selected as the site for this case study. It was chosen because it encompasses Alpha and Beta camps, which are mainly inhabited by Palestinian and ex- Gazan refugees with different citizenship statuses. Having two camps within the case study site allowed for comparisons to be made between refugees with different citizenship statuses residing within
148 either camp and outside the camp settings amongst the host population in Kafa.
The population of Kafa Governorate, according to the latest national figures from 2010 is 183,400, of which 89,100 (48.5 per cent) are female and 94,300 (51.5 per cent) are male (Jordanian Deparment of Statistics, 2013a). The percentage distribution of Jordanian women in Kafa Governorate who have never been married is 35.8 per cent, as contrasted with the national rate, which is 33.4 per cent. In the case of divorced women, the percentage in Kafa Governorate is similar to national levels (1.4 per cent). As for married women, the figure is 55.8 per cent in Kafa Governorate, a rate that is 1.4 per cent lower than national figures (Jordanian Deparment of Statistics, 2013b).
Student enrolment in higher diplomas, master’s degrees and PhD-level education is significantly higher for men than women in
Kafa Governorate (Jordanian Deparment of Statistics, 2013c). The
gender gap is 100 per cent for students in vocational education (both industrial and agricultural streams) (Jordanian Department of
Statistics, 2013d). As for graduates, the percentage of men who
complete degrees in scientific specialisations is significantly higher than women. The difference is greatest in engineering and communication, where, respectively, 93.5 per cent and 93.3 per cent of graduates are men, and only 6.5 per cent and 6.7 per cent are women (Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2013e).
Unemployment in Kafa Governorate was 13.3 per cent in 2010 (Saidi and Qudah, 2012), a percentage point higher than the national
149 rate, which was 12.5 per cent in that year (Al-Saraireh, 2014). However, it rose to 12.9 per cent in the first quarter of 2015
(Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2015a)11. With regard to the
economic activity of women in Kafa, it is estimated that 52.9 per cent work in the education sector, a percentage that is higher than the national figure by 11.2 per cent. Women are also economically active in jobs related to human health and social work, with rates reaching 18.9 per cent, also higher than national figures by 4.3 per cent
(Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2013f). When considering
occupations, the highest percentage of women in Kafa Governorate and the Kingdom as a whole work as professionals, reaching 61 per cent and 57.4 per cent respectively (Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2013g).
When looking at educational levels and economic activity, the highest percentage of employed and unemployed women in Kafa Governorate were bachelor’s degree holders. Figures from 2013 also showed that 77.4 per cent of women with bachelor’s degrees were unemployed, whereas 53.4 per cent were employed (Jordanian
Department of Statistics, 2013h). As for women’s marital status and
their economic activity in Kafa Governorate, figures show that married females had the highest employment rate (71.2 per cent) as well as source of income (75.1 per cent). Women who were never married were also more likely to be unemployed than those who
11 Statistics on the Jordanian Department of Statistics (DOS) website
is currently not available because the site has been going through
redevelopment. However, a study conducted by Guegnard et al.
(2005) placed unemployment in Kafa at 14.5 per cent in 2003 and an article published by the Jordan times reported that it was 9.8 per cent (2015b).
150 were married, divorced or widowed (Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2013i).
With regard to household heads and the average annual income of households, this is highest for men who receive wages through employment (reaching JD3,964.40 per annum). Meanwhile, for women the highest is for heads of households who receive
transfers income12 (amounting to JD2,685.60). Transfer income is
also second to highest for men amounting to JD2106.70 (Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2013j).
According to the Establishment Census of 2006, sole proprietorships made up the highest number of active establishments in Kafa Governorate. Figures also showed that there were only nine cooperatives and non-profit organisations established there during that period. Furthermore, the census indicated that the majority of active establishments in Kafa Governorate were in jobs related to
retail trade13 (Jordanian Department of Statistics, 2015c).
Both Beta and Alpha camps are located in Kafa Governorate,
and encompass an area of 500 Dūnum’ (500000 m2) and 750
Dūnum’ (750000 m2
) respectively (Al-Husseini, 2011). Beta and
Alpha camps were established as temporary spaces for Palestinian refugees and displaced people in 1967 and 1968 respectively after the Arab–Israeli War. Beta camp was built to accommodate around 11,500 Palestinians, with recent figures showing that it has increased to 21,441 inhabitants. As for Alpha camp, there are over 25,496
12 Transfer income is money received from the government, often as
part of social welfare systems.
13 This excludes motor vehicles and motorcycles, and repair of
151 UNRWA-registered refugees residing there (Badil Resource Center,
2012). In fact, according to a report conducted by FAFO in 201314,
Alpha camp had the highest percentage of Jordanian Palestinian
refugees with two-year temporary Jordanian passports (See
Appendix 3, Figure 3.1 page 402 for more on Palestinian refugees with Jordanian nationalities outside the camps). Meanwhile, the majority of Beta camp’s residents have full Jordanian citizenship status.
There are four schools in Beta and Alpha camps, as well as a Women’s Programme Centre, a Community-Based Rehabilitation Centre, and a food distribution centre. Beta camp has one health clinic, whereas Alpha camp has two. All of these centres are under the umbrella of UNRWA. In each camp, the highest population group comprises Palestinians between the ages of 26 and 45 (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013). Moreover, when comparing the average household size between UNRWA camp populations, the highest is in Alpha (5.8) followed by Beta camp (5.3) (See Appendix 3, Figure 3.2, page 403
for the household sizes of refugee camps). Crowding is most
prevalent in Alpha camp compared with all other Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan, as 24 per cent of households live in homes that
14 Data in the report were produced using the following sources: ‘1) a
comprehensive survey of the 13 Palestinian refugee camps (April to June 2011); (2) a socio-economic survey of a representative sample of Palestinian refugee households residing inside the camps (September to November 2011); and (3) a socio-economic survey of a representative sample of Palestinian refugee households residing outside the refugee camps (January to February 2012)’ (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013: 15). Additionally, survey data collected by FAFO during the 1990s were used as well as those from secondary sources.
152
consist of more than two persons in one room. Comparing Beta15
and Alpha camps, while 26 per cent of households in the former camp have four rooms or more, only 20 per cent do so in the latter.
In terms of health indicators, Beta camp has only a 3 per cent incidence of severe chronic health problems (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013). As for Alpha camp, the sewage is a health hazard to many residents, and, although sewers are undergoing recent renovation, less than 2 per cent of households were connected to them in 2013.
Poor health can have a negative impact on individuals’ livelihood
strategies (See Appendix 3, Table 3.13, page 404 for labour force
participation by health status). Palestinian refugees with two-year temporary passports living outside camps are also reported to have the lowest enrolment rate in health insurance plans. For those residing in Alpha camp, only 17 per cent have health insurance (See Appendix 3, Table 3.14, page 405 for more on the health insurance of Palestinian refugees by Governorate). However, Tiltnes and Zhang (2013) highlight that according to the Jordanian law all ex- Gazans are entitled to health insurance, which they claim may be indicative of a lack of awareness of their entitlements.
With regard to illiteracy rates among Palestinian refugees, levels differ depending on factors such as the geographic location of
individuals, as well as their ‘gender, age and scocio-economic
standing’ (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013: 137). Complete illiteracy is also
15 It was difficult to obtain published and up to date statistics on Beta
camp. Therefore, some of the data on Beta camp was gathered retrieved through email correspondence with a Centre manager who was the gatekeeper in Beta camp. The statistics provided were for for 2015.
153 generally higher among Palestinian camp-dwellers (10 per cent) than for those living outside camps (5 per cent). Moreover, the increase in literacy rates since the 1990s was greater for Palestinian women than for men in and outside camps. The complete illiteracy rate also varies by age and gender, as its prevalence among Palestinian women and men under 45 years of age is very low. Furthermore, the illiteracy rate for Palestinians aged 40 and below is higher among men than women both in and outside camps. Illiteracy is also more prevalent among households with low levels of affluence than among those with higher and more secured economic means. There is also a relationship between the educational background of parents and
their children (See Appendix 3, Table 3.15, page 406 for illiteracy
rate by educational level of partent).
As for illiteracy rates in Alpha and Beta camps, these are 13.8 per cent for the former and 5 per cent for the latter. In both Beta and Alpha camps, the majority of children attend UNRWA schools rather than private or government academic institutions. Children in Alpha camp have much lower school enrolment rates than other UNRWA camps in Jordan. There are four UNRWA schools in Alpha and Beta camps, with 5,063 students in the former and 3,150 students in the
latter16 (Alqatami, 2015).
In the case of technical and vocational education and training
(TVET)17 and the vocational pathway in secondary education, both
16 Data on Beta camp were obtained through email correspondence
with Centre C manager.
17 All Palestinian refugees inside and outside camps are eligible to
154 are not very popular among Palestinians, either in or outside camps. Nevertheless, enrolment in the TVET programme is more common for men residing in camps, as it is a pathway more likely to be taken by poorer families, because it is less costly than a university degree, as well as among children whose heads of households have below secondary education. Gender also plays a role in the subjects
selected within the vocational streams (See Appendix 3, Table 3.16,
page 407 for refugee enrolment in TVET programme).
The unemployment rate in Alpha is 16 per cent and in Beta Camp it is 17 per cent (Tltnes and Zhang, 2014). The poverty rate is highest in Alpha camp compared to other UNRWA camps in Jordan. It is estimated that 53 per cent of camp-dwellers in Alpha live below the poverty line (set at the rate of US$1 per individual per day). The rate increases to 64 per cent when the poverty line is considered to be US$2 per individual per day. In fact, it is estimated that 610 families in Alpha camp are registered to receive relief support through the UNRWA social safety net. As for Beta camp, 35 per cent live below the poverty line of US$1 per individual per day (Alqatami, 2015).
In terms of employment for Palestinian women outside camps, the following estimates are provided: 51 per cent of the employed work as professionals and managers; 27 per cent work in occupations that require lower academic qualifications, such as technicians and clerks; 10 per cent work in the services sector or in sales; and 4 per cent take on jobs in crafts and trade work or as
cent quota for poorer families who are registered with the social
155 agricultural workers. As for Palestinian female camp-dwellers, their
employment is ‘less often [in] … white-collar jobs. Instead, a higher
proportion of them hold service occupations and jobs selling goods, working in various crafts and trades or as agricultural workers’ (Tiltness and Zhang, 2013: 189).
A large number of women work ‘in the education, health and
social service sectors’ (Tiltness and Zhang, 2014: 33). However, their rates are lower than national figures. Fewer Palestinian refugees work in government jobs than those who are not refugees. According to a study conducted in 2012, around 25 per cent of Jordanians and between 8 and 9 per cent of Palestinian refugees were employed in the public sector. This implies that over 40 per cent of Jordanians who are not refugees work in the public sector. Refugees residing inside camps are more likely than those residing outside camps to work in elementary kinds of jobs. The transportation and construction sectors are very popular areas of employment for Palestinian refugees in and outside camps across different levels of education (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013).
Whereas 17 per cent of Palestinian refugee men residing outside camps work in family businesses, this is only 5 per cent for women. Moreover, 27 per cent of women are employed in jobs in the government, UNRWA or non-governmental organisations, as opposed to 14 per cent of men. It is also estimated that 26 per cent of Palestinian refugees with education beyond secondary levels are employed in government positions. As for Palestinians with secondary and basic education and employment in the public sector,
156 the corresponding figures are 12 per cent and 10 per cent respectively. Nevertheless, 26 per cent of Palestinian refugees living in and outside camps work in private enterprises. However, pay and benefits differ between camp-dwellers and those living outside camps. Refugees living outside camps are also more likely to receive higher non-pay benefits and have jobs with better work environments. Moreover, women receive much lower pay than men both in and outside camps. The income per hour for refugees living outside camps is also much higher than for camp-dwellers (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013).
Labour force participation for Palestinian refugee women with an educational level equivalent to or less than a basic level is no more than 5 per cent. Meanwhile, it is twice that for those who have a secondary education and goes up to 26 per cent for those with a university degree. However, women who are well educated have higher unemployment rates. In the case of men, their labour force participation remains similar at all educational levels of attainment. This is linked to their role in society as breadwinners. When looking at factors such as marriage, while labour participation increases by 20 per cent for men following marriage, it drops from 30 per cent for single women to an estimated 5 per cent for those who are married. Nevertheless, those who are married make up 40 per cent of working women. Moreover, the percentage rate of labour force participation is higher (42 per cent) for Palestinian camp-dwellers who are 15 years old or older and have two-year temporary passports without national identity numbers than it is for those with full Jordanian citizenship (40
157 per cent). This is because poverty levels are higher among that former group of Palestinians who do not have full citizenship, and therefore economic hardship forces them to find different means to earn a living (Tiltnes and Zhang, 2013).
Photos of Alpha and Beta camps are provided in the
appendices of this thesis (See Appendix 3, Photos 3.1.1 to 3.1.10,
pages 408-414).
The section above provided a brief overview of the sites selected for this case study, together with a justification for choosing them. The section below will describe the process in which access to the field was negotiated and data collection took place.
Negotiating Access
Data collection was conducted from October 2012 to October 2013 (See Appendix 3, Table 3.17, page 415 for the timeline of key events/activities in accessing the field).
I made a preliminary exploratory visit to Amman in October 2012 to begin negotiating access for the study. I met with a senior
employee at a leading NGO18 in Jordan, as well as a colleague who
had previously worked at UNRWA. These informal meetings were made possible through my own social networks of relatives and work colleagues. (See section below on positionality where I discuss my use of wastah).
18 This is a leading non-governmental organisation with over 30