Eruvin can be found in many places of the world, yet it is unknown how many of these structures exist. A website called Eruv Directory lists 260 eruvin worldwide out of which 215 operate in the United States,1 many of them scattered across urban areas along the East Coast of the United States. This geographical distribution is not surprising given that eruvin, as a distinct Orthodox Jewish practice, follow Orthodox Jewish demographic patterns.2 But the actual number of existing eruvin may be in fact significantly higher than 260. Almost every Israeli town (out of which the website only names three) is surrounded by an eruv that is maintained by the municipality,3 whereas eruvin outside Israel are entirely run by the Jewish communities themselves. In Europe, eruvin serve observant Jews in cities such as London, Metz, Manchester, Vienna, Venice, and Strasbourg. Despite its significant Orthodox Jewish population, the city of Paris lacks an eruv. The eruv in Antwerp, a city where a large part of Belgium’s 31,700 Jews resides, is probably one of the oldest operating eruvin in Europe. Established in 1902, it is still functional today.4 Historically, many German towns and cities such as Hamburg, Würzburg, and Frankfurt had areas encircled by eruvin, but they perished during the Holocaust and have not been re-erected. Moreover, eruvin can be found in South Africa in Cape
1 Eruv Directory, available from http://www.eruv.org/eruv-directory/.
2 Reform Judaism takes a different approach to the laws of Shabbat. The institution of the eruv is not relevant for Reform Jews, see Jacobs, The Jewish Religion: A Companion, 149.
3 Peter Vincent and Barney Warf, “Eruvim: Talmudic Places in a Postmodern World,” Transactions of the
Institute of British Geographers 27, no. 1 (2002): 30-51, at 41.
4 Veerle Vanden Daelen, “Markers of a Minority Group: Jews in Antwerp in the Twentieth Century,” in
Borders and Boundaries in and around Dutch Jewish History, eds. David J. Wertheim, Judith Frishman, and Ido de Haan (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2011), 45-64, at 54.
Town, Johannesburg, and Pretoria, and in Australia, where three are located in Sydney and one each in Melbourne and Perth respectively.
a.
The Ritual System of the Eruv
The purpose of an eruv is to facilitate the observance of the Shabbat, the Jewish day of rest, by easing some of the restrictions associated with this day. The Shabbat is of central importance to Judaism. Within the Ten Commandments, the command to ‘Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy’ ranks fourth and the Torah repeats twelve times the imperative to observe the Shabbat. The rhythm of the calendar and the associated practices and behaviours have played a crucial role in the religious and cultural preservation of Judaism.5 Joshua Heschel described Judaism as a religion of time in which the Shabbat appears as the great cathedral in the Jewish temporal architecture.6 In Judaism, God endowed the seventh day with a special sanctity and holiness. Jewish liturgy refers to the Shabbat as the metaphorical queen or bride that brings majesty to the Jewish home. The experience of the Shabbat is made possible through the absence of labour (melakha). The Talmud7 spells out in more detail the words of the Torah by listing 39 forbidden activities that are considered to be labour.8 Labour does not simply mean work in the modern sense as one’s daily occupation. Rather, the prohibited activities relate to the building of the Temple, from which the 39 categories of forbidden activities derive. One of the prohibitions concerns the transfer of objects both from the private domain to the public and within the public space. This means that Shabbat-observant Jews are not allowed to carry, push, or pull objects in or into the public space during the day of rest.
In everyday life, this restriction can lead to very mundane problems. Keys, prayer books, and food may not be carried. It also affects families with small children who cannot yet walk yet and need to be carried or pushed in a pram, as the halakha, the Jewish law, makes no distinction between carrying a child and other items. Elderly people or people with disabilities who need a wheelchair cannot move as freely as they wish. While a walking stick can be used since it is considered to be an extension of
5 Paula Daccarett, “Shabbat, Noël, and Jewish Temporal Modernity: A Comparative View from Salonica,”
Jewish Social Studies 19, no. 2 (2013): 109-50, at 109.
6 Abraham Joshua Heschel, The Sabbath: Its Meaning for Modern Man (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1951).
7 The Talmud is the summary of oral law that evolved from the scholarly works by the sages that lived in Babylonia and Palestine. It comprises two parts, the Mishnah and the Gemarah: The Mishnah contains the halakha (law) and is followed by the commentary on the Mishnah, the Gemarah.
8 These activities are according to the Babylonian Talmud, Sabbath, 73a: “sowing, ploughing, reaping, binding into sheaves, threshing, winnowing, selecting, grinding, sifting, kneading, baking, wool-shearing, bleaching, hackling, dyeing, spinning, stretching the threads, the making of two meshes, weaving two threads, dividing two threads, tying [knotting] and untying, sewing two stitches, tearing in order to sew two stitches, capturing a deer, slaughtering, or slaying, or salting it, curing its hide, scarping it [of its hair], cutting it up, writing two letters, erasing it in order to write two letters [over the erasure], building, pulling down, extinguishing, kindling, striking with a hammer, [and] carrying out from one domain to another.”
the arm, a wheelchair may not be pushed. The prohibition thus has a significant impact on the enjoyment of Shabbat for already vulnerable community members who find themselves tied to their homes and are unable to attend synagogue service or dinner with friends and family. The ability of all community members to attend service is especially relevant in very small communities with ageing members. In order to conduct a prayer service, a minimum quorum of ten adult males, called minyan, has to be reached. If some community members cannot attend because of the lack of an eruv, this may impact on the ability of the entire community to hold a service.
Jewish life is full of creative inventions to ease the burdens of Shabbat observance. A famous example is the Shabbat elevator that stops on every level without the need to push a button because the operation of electrical equipment falls under the prohibition to light a fire. Turning keys into a piece of jewellery allows them to be carried. Some families hire non-Jews as ‘pushers’ to move wheelchairs and prams. The downside is that it makes families more dependent on the willingness and availability of others. Often Jewish communities therefore opt for the establishment of an eruv. What looks like a modern invention, dates, in fact, back to antiquity. The Mishna is the earliest text that mentions the laws of the eruv and the Talmud devotes an entire tractate to eruvin. The Babylonian Talmud attributes the invention of this practice to King Solomon, the historical truth of this claim is however doubtful.9
b.
The Making of an Eruv: Imagined Walls and Shared Bread
The point of departure for the establishment of an eruv is the intricate spatial logic of the Shabbat laws which is distinct from the order of ordinary weekdays. Crucial to the spatiolegal order of the Shabbat is the distinction between public and private space. Using the terms ‘public’ and ‘private’ is, however, misleading as the secular understanding of these terms only partially captures the meaning of these terms in the Talmud. Rabbinic notions of private and public are less concerned with ownership or legal title, but rather with the presence or absence of domestic space.10 For the purpose of the eruv, the spatial vocabulary of the Talmud distinguishes four different types of space: the reshut hayahid (the domestic space), the reshut harabim (the public space), karmelis (a sort of semi-public space) and makom patur (exempt area).11 Through the eruv, non-domestic space in the halakhic sense is virtually transformed into halakhic domestic space. In the secular world, this means that a public area encircled by an eruv is turned into ‘private’ Jewish space in the halakhic sense. But even from the
9 Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert, “The Political Symbolism of the Eruv,” Jewish Social Studies 11, no. 3 (2005): 9- 35, at 9-10.
10 Jennifer Cousineau, “Rabbinic Urbanism in London: Rituals and the Material Culture of the Sabbath,”
Jewish Social Studies 11, no. 3 (2005): 36-57, at 43. Cousineau uses the term ‘rabbinic urbanism’ to describe “the processes by which rabbinic actors and thinkers theorize and construct urban space”, see ibid., 36.
11 Yosef Gavriel Bechhofer, The Contemporary Eruv: Eruvin in Modern Metropolitan Areas (Jerusalem; New York: Feldheim Publishers, 2002), 41.
viewpoint of the halakha, the eruv cannot turn all Talmudic public spaces into private ones. This seemingly technical detail has provided the source of many disputes, not only within Jewish communities but also with outside neighbours who suggest the extension of the eruv to encircle whole countries in order to not be bothered by an eruv.12
Once an agreement over the suitability of a particular area has been reached, it has to be encircled by boundaries to mimic an enclosed space. This is not an easy task given that the Mishna’s understanding of space relies on antique Mediterranean city architecture in which small courtyards are inhabited by a residential community and joined together by little alleyways (mavoi) that connect further courtyard communities.13 Modern cities only vaguely resemble these antique urban settings. Back then, creating an enclosed space through existing structures and small additions required little material intervention. Moreover, antique courtyards as well as later medieval towns were often already walled, and the built environment needed hardly any manipulation to close the boundary of an eruv. Such was the case in Kazimierz, a municipality just outside Cracow where the city’s Jews lived. Defensive walls had surrounded Kazimierz since 1340 and the creation of the eruv relied on the walls and closed gates of the city.14 But today antique and medieval towns have outgrown their walls and planners of contemporary eruvin have to make creative use of existing structures to demarcate the borders of their Shabbat spaces. Cliff faces, water fronts, creeks, walls, fences, railway tracks, and utility poles can all turn into walls of an eruv. The Sydney eruv, located in the suburb of Bondi, for example, claims to be the only eruv in the world whose boundaries are mostly formed by using existing solid infrastructure, something that is often not possible to achieve.15
In most cases, remaining gaps need to be closed by additional infrastructure, for which a method called tzuras hapesach is used, which literally means “the form of a doorway”.16 Since the building of a real wall is not a viable option, wires attached to poles act as boundary markers. The rabbinical reasoning from wall to wire reveals the remarkably creative chain of symbolic abstraction through which poles and wires are turned into walls. The logic is simple, yet convincing. Every house has both walls and doors. A wall with one or even several doors is still a wall. A wall can thus entirely
12 Opponents in St Ives made this argument too, see chapter six.
13 Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert, “Diaspora Cartography: On the Rabbinic Background of Contemporary Ritual Eruv Practice,” Images 5, no. 1 (2011): 14-25, at 16. Eruv is in fact only the short form of eruv hatzerot. The word eruv itself stems from the Hebrew root for ‘to mingle’, ‘to blend.’ In the Talmud, there are in fact three different ritual systems referred to as eruvin to which the action of blending is central. An eruv tavshillin
(the eruv of cooking) allows the preparation of a meal for Shabbat when Friday falls on a yom tov (a holiday) and an eruv thumim (the eruv of distance) makes it permissible to walk farther than the distance permitted on Shabbat.Finally, there is the ritual system of the eruv hatzerot (the eruv of courtyards) which symbolically blends a number of courtyards – it is this type of eruv with which this chapter is concerned. See also Bechhofer, The Contemporary Eruv: Eruvin in Modern Metropolitan Areas, 1.
14 Adam Mintz, “Halakha in America: The History of City Eruvin, 1894-1962” (PhD Thesis, New York University, 2011), 156.
15 These solid eruv walls are called mechitzot, see http://www.sydneyeruv.org.au/index.htm 16 Bechhofer, The Contemporary Eruv: Eruvin in Modern Metropolitan Areas, 3
consist of a line of gates. A door or a gate consists of doorposts (lechi) and a lintel (koreh helyon). Doorposts can be symbolised by poles and lintels by wires or fishing line. Since the lintel rests on top of the posts, also the wire has to stretch out from the top of the post. If already existing utility poles fulfil this requirement they can be used for the eruv. But often the wire is attached to the side of the pole which makes a small intervention necessary. Either a new pole is erected or the lechi is attached to a utility pole usually by using plastic conduit that mimics the doorpost. Through this technique, the eruv wire then integrates almost invisibly into the telephone and electricity cables, silently demarcating a religious space full of meaning through the most mundane architecture.
Figure 1: Lechi in St Ives. The plastic conduit on the left side is part of the eruv. Source: Photo by author.
While the boundary creation is an important step for the making of an eruv – and often the most controversial one because of its publicity – two further steps are necessary to make the fiction of the eruv complete. One is the unification of the eruv community and the other the notional lease of the encircled space from public authorities – of which Franz Kafka wrote in his diary during a visit to Warsaw in 1911:
As a result of bribery the telephone and telegraph wires around Warsaw were put up in a complete circle, which in the sense of the Talmud makes the city a bounded area a courtyard, as it were, so
that on Saturday it is possible even for the most pious person to move about, carry trifles (like handkerchiefs) on his person, within this circle.17
What Kafka refers to as bribery is the lease agreement (sechirat hareshut) that the Jewish community has to negotiate with local authorities in order to symbolically rent the eruv territory as a domestic Jewish space. Usually, the rent does not amount to more than a dollar or a little more for the lease period.18 The purpose of the lease is to obtain permission from all the residents who live within the confines of the eruv. In practice, obtaining consent from all residents is difficult but rabbinical reasoning holds that permission from local authorities such as the police or the mayor is sufficient.19 But the lease agreement also has a symbolic dimension as it requires the Jewish community to interact with their non-Jewish neighbours. Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert argues that despite the eruv’s innocuous nature, which would allow it to go almost unnoticed, the rabbis always considered it a crucial step to properly involve other Jewish and non-Jewish residents.20
A third step to make the fiction the eruv complete involves the mingling of the eruv community itself to create the fiction of a shared household. Bread plays a crucial role for this ritual requirement. Initially, the Talmud envisioned a collection of bread or flour for bread each week but over time it has become practice to simply use a box of matzah, an unleavened bread for the holiday of Pessah (Passover) which has the advantage of staying fresh longer. In medieval times the matzah was sometimes attached to the synagogue wall as a signifier of the eruv.21 Today, the matzah box often sits in some inconspicuous corner of the rabbi’s office and is replaced every year with a fresh box just before Passover. The shared food, the matzah, symbolises the community that is unified through the eruv. The principle of the eruv is as simple as it is fascinating, writes Margaret Olin, when “for twenty-four hours a week the deposit of bread conceptually turns one of the homes into a pantry, and a courtyard of homes into a single courtyard home.”22
17 Franz Kafka, The Basic Kafka (New York: Pocket Books, 1979), 236. 18 See e.g. the Boston eruv’s lease agreement which can be found online: http://www.bostoneruv.org/kinyan_kesef.htm.
19 This is the case with Melbourne’s eruv. Its administrator explains the underlying rationale: “Police have the right of hot pursuit onto any property and halachically that is sufficient to give them the authority to be able to agree on every property owners’ behalf to give our community the permission required to build the Eruv. So we have in our files an agreement with a member of Victoria Police, who by virtue of his right to enter all properties in the metropolitan area has leased us permission to have an Eruv for ten years for the princely sum of one dollar.” See Peter M. Kloot, “History of Melbourne Eruv,” 21 April 2010,
http://www.cosv.org.au/index.php?article=485.
20 Fonrobert, “The Political Symbolism of the Eruv,” 28-29.
21 Margaret Olin, “Introduction. The Poetics of the Eruv,” Images 5, no. 1 (2011): 3-13, at 3. 22 Ibid.
Figure 2 Matzah box in the upper shelf in the Rabbi’s office in St Ives. Source: Photo by author.
c.
The Symbolism of the Eruv
While some have described the eruv as a “magic schlepping circle,”23 its significance goes in fact beyond the facilitation of Shabbat observance. Jewish studies scholars describe the eruv as a practice of place-making, as a form of “diaspora cartography”24 or of “imaginary cartography.” 25 The eruv, as Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert points out, is a “project of constructing, maintaining, and re-enacting a collective identity” through means of space and law.26 Whereas circumcision marks the body with a collective identity, the eruv leaves a mark on the public space. The eruv thereby alludes to the intricate link between law, collective identity, and space, reminding us that space, much like the body,
23 Calvin Trillin, “Drawing the Line,” New Yorker, 12 December 1994.
24 Fonrobert, “Diaspora Cartography: On the Rabbinic Background of Contemporary Ritual Eruv Practice.” 25 Micha J. Perry, “Imaginary Space Meets Actual Space in Thirteenth-Century Cologne: Eliezer Ben Joel and the Eruv,” Images 5, no. 1 (2011): 26-36.
26 Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert, “From Separatism to Urbanism: The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins of the Rabbinic Eruv,” Dead Sea Discoveries 11, no. 1 (2004): 43-71, at 71.
has been a central site for the making of collective identities and the drawing of communal boundaries. 27
The nation has provided an important paradigm for the creation of imagined communities. Jewish