De la cámara de vídeo al móvil: cambios en la cobertura de noticieros de televisión nacional
ANEXO A: ENTREVISTAS Entrevista reportero
Conclusion
Potential explanations for Green women’s electoral success flow from
explanations for Green parties’ typically high levels of women candidates. I suggest that women are disproportionately attracted to and become Green party candidates for three major reasons. The first, is that women who enter Green Parties, to a much higher degree than men, do so in order to accomplish a specific environmental goal. In the case of the participants in this study, that goal was stoked by many years of environmental activism prior to becoming involved in politics, informing their policy priorities.
Interviewees held the common belief that comparatively, men entered Green Parties without this substantial activist background and are typically more interested in the benefits that may come with a political position. As a result, more men have become interested in running with Green Parties as the parties have become more electorally viable as this increases their chances of obtaining an elected position. This is tied to the idea of “ambition” and how it is perceived as manifesting differently in men and women. Women are seen as having ambitions to fix a problem, while men have stronger overall career ambitions according to participants.
The second reason women run with Green Parties is due to the culture of the parties themselves. Interviewees described consistent failures of other, more
mainstream parties to address those specific environmental priorities they aimed to address. Green Parties function as the political apparatus to satisfying women’s environmental policy ambitions, often without necessarily having to win an election. Simply being able to apply pressure to governing parties within a party apparatus can be hugely beneficial to a cause, and traditionally, Green parties have emphasized this environmental activism over electoral success. Primarily founded by women, Green party culture has revolved around the needs and desires of those women, creating a space for women-centered policy in an oftentimes male-dominated political environment which continues today. The third reason is that quite simply, Green Parties try to attract women candidates and particularly did so in their initial years because they understand it is in their best interest to do so. This “strategic essentialism” based on the idea that women will be successful Greens appears to be a common practice amongst parties in
my study. While the data has yet to be recorded on whether this assumption about women and Green parties is correct, anecdotally, it appears to be important.
I use the concept of ecofeminism to primarily explain how Green Parties leverage this large percentage of female candidates in to large percentages of elected women. Green Parties, as both special interest parties and perceived parties of the “left” most likely attract a specific kind of voter than more mainstream parties do. That voter hopes to elect the candidate who is most likely to advocate for those special interests such as “intergenerational equity”. If the voter agrees with the interviewees that women are more nurturing and that the values of Green Parties are best fulfilled by nurturing people, than it is possible they will judge a woman to be better able to represent those values than a man. This benefit depends upon the ability of Green Parties to get elected at all, and for women’s names to be promoted. This may only be possible in electoral systems that utilize voting techniques such as single-transferable vote, as is the case in the Australian Senate and helping explain why this phenomenon is not observed as strongly in the Canadian case.
The potential for further research concerning this study is significant. As an exploratory study, this project aims to contribute new theoretical ideas to the political representation literature but does not offer concrete or generalizable explanations. Research on Green women’s electoral success would benefit from research focused on voter perspective. Currently, no research exists examining whether voters do indeed see women as “better Greens” which would be enormously beneficial to explore. Examining ecofeminist explanations for Green women’s electoral success from the voter side would help offer more concrete findings on this topic. The scope of this research could also be expanded beyond women to feature a more intersectional lens. Interviewees made valuable points about the stereotypes attached to both age and ethnicity that could also have impacts on how voters see candidates, although this aspect is beyond the reach of this study.
Despite its limitations, I believe this project offers a valuable contribution, both within the literature, and to the political community. By linking ecofeminism with more traditional explanations for women’s representation, commonly held beliefs are
expanded upon. Parties that seek to expand their level of women’s representation may look to the example of Green Parties as to how they could accomplish this goal. And
women who want their voices heard and to satisfy their ambitions, whatever they may be, can examine parties with a critical eye to determine their best option to run with. No matter which party they ultimately choose, every political body is improved when the voices and experiences of women are upheld.
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Appendix A.
Data Sources for Table 1
Data about the country, house, and percentage of seats held by women overall is from the Interparliamentary Union’s “Women in Government 2017” dataset, data about electoral systems is from the Quality of Government database, and the variable
“Western Capitalist Democracy?” is based on Duane Swank’s Comparative Political Parties dataset where 21 “capitalist democracies” were identified for study based on their political and economic comparability.
Appendix B.
Sample Interview Script
1) Can you please describe what drew you to your role with the Green party?
2) Can you tell me about your experience with environmental causes prior to your political career?
3) What would you say influenced your decision to run with the Green party?
4) A main facet of ecofeminism is the linking of women’s priorities and green priorities. What do you make of that?
5) Do you know of any particular supports available for women candidates in the party? Could you please describe them for me. 6) How would you describe the gender composition of the party and any
effect that has on you?
7) The Greens have only had less than 50% women in the senate once since first entering – why do you think that is?
8) Why do you think the Senate is so much more representative of women than parliament, despite both using a form of proportional representation?
9) Please describe your reaction to the following statement: “Women are better stewards of the environment because of their unique
experiences as women”.
Appendix C.
Interview Contact List
Name Title Country
Sonia Furstenau MLA Canada/BC
Andrew Weaver MLA, party leader Canada/BC Elizabeth May MP, party leader Canada
Adriane Carr Vancouver city councillor, founder Canada/Vancouver
Parliamentary Office NZ
General party Australia
Tammy Franks MLC Australia/SA
Cassy O'Connor MP Australia/TAS
Rosale Woodruff MP Australia/TAS
Jenny Leong MP Australia/NSW
Cate Faehrmann MLC Australia/NSW
Dawn Walker MLC Australia/NSW
Alison Xamon MLC Australia/WA
Diane Evers MLC Australia/WA
Janet Rice Senator Australia/Vic
Chloe Swarbrick MP NZ
Eugenie Sage MP NZ
Golriz Ghahraman MP NZ
Jan Logie MP NZ
Julie-Anne Genter MP NZ
Appendix D.
Descriptive Features of the Quantitative Data
Place Party N Mean
women cand. % Mean women elec. % Median women cand. % Median women elec. % Std. Dev. Cand. Std. dev. Elec. Range
cand. Range elec.
NZ Green 7 41 57 42 55 4 10 33-46 44-75 NZ Labor 7 43 41 43 42 5 3 33-49 35-44 NZ National 7 31 30 31 29 5 3 23-39 26-34 NZ NZF 5 21 19 23 18 8 13 9-33 0-38 NZ Maori 4 50 37 49 37 6 9 45-58 25-50 NZ ACT 4 19 38 20 41 4 11 13-23 20-50 CAN Green 8 39 40 41 33 9 39 21-54 0-100 CAN NDP 7 43 42 40 44 6 6 37-52 34-50 CAN Liberal 6 32 21 30 21 4 4 29-40 15-28 CAN Conservative 6 25 21 25 18 7 6 15-34 16-32 AUS Green 24 52 43 50 50 10 26 39-80 0-100 AUS Liberal/National 24 32 25 35 25 8 10 15-50 13-55 AUS Labor 24 45 43 45 43 10 14 28-67 17-70
Appendix E.
Appendix F.
Interview Participants
Name Country Elected level Position
Alison Xamon Australia State – West Australia Member of Legislative Council and Party Leader
Diane Evers Australia State – West Australia Member of Legislative Council
Janet Rice Australia Federal Senator, Founder of the Victorian Green Party
Adriane Carr Canada Municipal – Vancouver City Councillor, Founder of the BC Green Party, former Federal Green Party candidate
Sonia Furstenau Canada Provincial – BC Member of Legislative Assembly and BC Green Party Deputy Leader
Andrew Weaver Canada Provincial - BC Member of Legislative Assembly and Leader of the BC Green Party
Adam Olsen Canada Provincial – BC Member of Legislative Assembly and BC Green Party Whip
Lynne Quarmby Canada Federal Former Green Party of Canada candidate