Gender can have a significant impact on the ways in which the trauma of childhood sexual abuse is experienced, manifested and treated (Getz, 2011). Despite the mass of research of investigating child sexual abuse, research involving male survivors is sparse, with some researchers attributing this to a social belief that men are the perpetrators of abuse and not the victims (Yancey and Hansen, 2010). Although the majority of abuse is indeed carried out by men, with the figure averaging between 80-95% (Sherman and Blundell, 2012) this does not negate the experience of men as survivors of this phenomenon.
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According to Stanko and Hobdell (1993) criminology fails to acknowledge male experiences of victimisation, which in turn is due to reluctance on the part of men to speak out and expose ‘vulnerability’. In patriarchal societies, men may feel further pressure to conceal or suppress feelings associated with victimisation fearing denigration and social stigmatisation, particularly in cases of rape and sexual violence (Kimmel and Aronson, 2004). This goes back to masculinities theory, which suggests that normative heterosexuality underpins society’s expectations of male behaviour and behaviours which do not adhere to heterosexual ideals are to be rejected (Walklate, 2007).
There are notable differences in the prevalence rates of abuse reported by male and female survivors of child sexual abuse, recorded in various reports; research conducted by The Lancet for example, estimated that between 5 and 10% of girls and 5% of boys have experienced penetrative sexual abuse and up to three times this number have been exposed to other forms of sexual violence (Gilbert et al, 2008). Taken at face value, these statistics could show that girls are more susceptible to abuse than boys. However, analysing below the surface of statistical data could reveal alternative explanations for the difference in abuse carried out against male and female children. Some feminist researchers have conceptualised sexual abuse and sexual violence against females as a by-product of male sexuality, making a link between men, violence and sex (Smart, 1989; Driver, 1989). Although feminist theories have offered plausible explanations for crimes perpetrated by men against women, they fail to consider the phenomenon of male on male child sexual abuse, and whether there is a shift or imbalance in the dynamics of power between
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male abusers and their male ‘victims’ as there is between male abusers and female ‘victims’.
Duncan and Williams (1998) view the dynamics and effects of male on male child sexual abuse through a different lens, describing the ways in which abuse may model to the victim an already integral part of traditional masculine culture. This is typified by physical aggression and dominance, especially in sexual relations, which may lead to the use of physical force in intimate relationships by survivors or a more empathic understanding of women’s traditional lack of power in relationships. Sexual abuse could therefore impact male survivors’ gender role identity and sexual beliefs.
Dhaliwal et al (1996) found that a significant number of boys were abused by female perpetrators than girls; interestingly, male survivors were less likely to identify these experiences as abuse and may feel compelled to see such experiences as normal socialisation. This fulfils the stereotypical male gender role with seeking early sexual experiences with women, and removes the stigma of shame men may feel if such experiences are self-labelled as ‘abuse’. This interpretation of female on male sexual abuse as a normal, sexual experience may also affect rates of reporting and disclosure among male survivors, paralleling concerns by child abuse researchers of underreporting among males (Banyard et al, 2004).
Boys are significantly less likely than girls to report child sexual abuse to agencies (Coombs, 2004) with the difficulty in disclosing traumatic experiences accompanied by an added ‘male ethic of self-reliance’ and anticipated homophobia (when the abuser is male) (Mendel, 1995). Lisak (1995) argues that for men, constructions of
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masculinity particularly expectations of male sexuality expect them to be active, initiators and powerful, which may compound the process of coming to terms with abuse and consequently disclosing it. This may account for the lower numbers of males statistically shown as ‘victims’ of child sexual abuse. A number of studies have estimated that 4% to 16% of men have been victims of child sexual abuse (Banyard et al, 2004) which could be much closer to the actual prevalence rate of male child sexual abuse than self-report based studies have suggested.
There is a general consensus across child sexual abuse research that mental health problems resulting from abuse are similar in both male and female survivors (Banyard et al, 2004). However, specific effects that relate more to male survivors of sexual abuse include shame around masculine identity, withdrawal, suppression (often through drug use) and extreme anger (Spataro et al, 2001; O’Leary, 2009). Other gender differences in the impact of child sexual abuse on survivors include more internalising symptoms in girls (such as depression, anxiety, somatic complaints) whereas boys tend to exhibit more externalising problems including suicide attempts, running away and behavioural problems (Fontanella et al, 2001; Darves-Bornoz, 1998). Soylu et al (2016) criticise the limited research looking at gender differences and the effects of child sexual abuse as well as the methodological issues with many of these studies. These include a lack of face to face to interviews to determine post-abuse mental disorders, failing to take into account cultural context with gender differences and the examination of child sexual abuse retrospectively.
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