This subsection portrays the combination of different types of capital that are derived from social capital due to the interactions between pond owners, pond workers and supervisors. The relationship between shrimp farm owners and shrimp pond workers (including supervisors) in Sidoarjo tends to adhere to the patron-client model as discussed earlier. Pond owners provide for most of the workers’ (including supervisors’) needs, especially during critical stages in the shrimp production/cultivation process. Workers mainly reside and work in the shrimp pond area to maintain the pond and monitor the shrimp. Pond owners provide a place of residence and simple kitchen for workers in exchange for protection of the pond and its contents.
Shrimp pond work arrangements generates social capital for shrimp farmers. The more employees, the more social influence the owner has. For example, one shrimp farmer who is well-known as a successful shrimp farmer that employs many people in his ponds, has the ability to influence the head-of-village election. Respondent number 3 revealed that when there was a head-of-village election, he has to play neutrally accordingly. However, in certain circumstances he must provide some clue to his employees to whom should they give their vote. When people asked him about
61 During 2002-2008, Sidoarjo shrimp farmers had organic certification from Naturland , an IFOAM (International Federation of Organic Aquaculture Movement) accredited certifying body.
62 Eco-shrimp means that the shrimp production was produced through environmental friendly cultivation procedures.
139 his support, he just put his pointer finger in his mouth as a signal for the people to do not ask that question again. But by putting his pointer finger, this is also interpreted as support to vote for the candidate number one. This example is one of vertical social capital possessed by the shrimp pond owners.
Field observations also revealed that shrimp pond workers typically resided in the shed located near the ponds, and also had other sources of income. Owners often permit workers to utilize land around the ponds for planting vegetables or raising livestock and poultry such as lambs, goats, duck, and chicken. This phenomena demonstrates how the shrimp pond workers have a right in utilising land around the pond (environmental capital) for having other additional income.
Further, when conducting the survey and interviews at harvest time in Sedati and Jabon, another phenomenon was revealed. I saw some child and female workers were involved. When I investigated further, I found that it was common practice for the wives and children of all the three occupational categories to help with the shrimp harvest. This underage and unpaid family labour in the field sometimes included extended family. In other words, the wife was also contributing to the livelihood of the family through unpaid subsistence work. Her labour provided for the needs of the husband who was working on the pond.
Table 6.5 details the number of workers employed at ponds captured in the full survey sample. Consistent with the predominance of small and medium ponds, the majority of shrimp owner respondents reported having between 1-3 employees and less than 8 percent had 10 or more employees.
Field observations also revealed examples of female family members filling unpaid administrator roles for their parents or spouse. These informal practices, based on social capital, remain common in rural Java. Further, the finding above along with the research of Andrada (2015) indicates some traditional fisher folk women, particularly housewives, assist their husbands in daily fishing activities as well as contributing unpaid family labour for cooking, cleaning and other domestic chores.
140 Table 6.5 Number of shrimp pond employees per shrimp farm
The number of employees F Percent
1 employee 47 34.8
2-3 employees 50 37.0
4-9 employees 28 20.7
10-14 employees 7 5.2
15-20 employees 2 1.5
> 20 employees 1 0.7
Total eligible respondents 135 100
Source: Fieldwork survey questionnaire data, 2013
According to Harmadi (2011) 20 percent of 2.8 million underage workers in Indonesia are working in the agriculture sector. A child worker in this sector is usually utilized as an economic asset by their parents. Some research demonstrates that child workers can contribute up to 25 percent of total family income (Edmonds
& Pavcnik, 2005; Harmadi, 2011; Woodhead, 2004).
Underage labourers are also paid less and in some circumstances may not be paid at all. According to Woodhead (2004), and O'Donnell, Rosati, and van Doorslaer (2005) the involvement of underage workers in the agriculture activities has physical and psychosocial consequences. This is because the agriculture sector involves chemical herbicides or pesticides, exposure to heat or extreme weather, repetitive work with the potential to easily trigger injuries for children, and threats posed by animals, reptiles, insects, parasites and some venomous plants. As result, education is interrupted, and many child workers drop out of school (Harmadi, 2011).
Another finding from field observations is the involvement in harvesting by people who reside near a pond’s location, and are not employees of the shrimp pond. They participate because they are allowed to scavenge low grade fish, mangrove crabs, or
141 other molluscs such as mussels, scallops or clams, that can be found in the pond after the main crop has been harvested.
This involvement of local people during the harvest is part of local custom called
“gotong royong” or working together. Gotong royong is a reciprocal relationship among Javanese communities. One tiger prawn farmer (male interviewee 2), also underlined that community involvement in the harvesting or other pond activities not only increased the community income, but also provided benefits to pond management. The community would voluntarily help the security of the pond at the time of harvesting through informal monitoring.
Further, the field observation revealed that the ponds located in Buduran, Sedati, Waru and Sidoarjo sub districts have more casual workers compared to the ponds located in Tanggulangin, Porong, Jabon, and Candi. In regard to the effects of the mud volcano, it seems casual and contracted workers in Tanggulangin, Porong, and Jabon are the most affected due to losses in productivity. However my interviews indicated that workers in Tanggulangin, Porong, and Jabon seem to have found other jobs in the same sector outside Sidoarjo, such in Pasuruan District and Probolinggo District. Migration of workers following the mud volcano eruption requires further research.
All in all, social capital is often exchanged for different types of capital that benefit workers, supervisors and owners. Expectations about wages, and permission to use, and utilise the pond area are regulated through social capital within shrimp farmer communities.