2.2.1 Geoeraphv and environment
The Jordan Valley is part of a geological rift extending from Turkey in the North to the Red Sea in the south (Van der Kooij & Ibrahim 1989: 9-11). The 15km wide valley is up to 400m below sea level, and surrounded to the East and West by foothills leading up to highland plateaus c.900m above sea level. The area of the Jordan Valley between the Dead Sea and Sea of Galilee is c.100 km in length and is semi-arid steppe country receiving c.250mm of rainfall per annum. Wadis that flow into the River Jordan and springs may be utilized for irrigated agriculture, allowing for intensive cultivation in fertile soils of the valley floor. To the northeast, the Jordan Valley meets with the River Yarmuk. To the northwest, it meets the Jezreel Valley, which eventually leads to the Mediterranean coast.
The east central Jordan valley is connected to the Transjordanian plateau by a series of east-west wadis with settlements (both ancient and modem) alongside. These include
(from north to south: fig. 2.1), the Wadi Yabis at Tall Abu al-Kharaz, the Wadi Kufrinjeh at Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, and the Wadi Zarqa at Deir’Alla. These wadis not only provided important water sources to the inhabitants of the Jordan Valley. They were avenues of communication and trade between highland and lowland regions on both sides of the Jordan, and enable the seasonal movement of nomadic and semi-nomadic groups between highlands and lowlands, moving between different ecological and climactic zones for seasonal grazing (La Bianca & Younker 1995: 415).
The landscape, climate and environment around Sa’idiyeh is similar to the site of Deir
‘Alla, where it has been possible to reconstruct aspects of the Iron Age environment through the study of faunal and botanical remains (Van der Kooij & Ibrahim 1989: 30- 42). The findings indicate widespread wheat cultivation, and the diy farming of barley, bitter vetch and lentil. The cultivation of flax (for producing linen) was probably undertaken in irrigated fields. Olive cultivation was likely to have been limited to the lower hill-slopes rather than the valley floor in the Iron Age. Few olive stones were present in Iron Age levels at Deir ‘Alla, although fruits including fig, date palm, grape and pomegranate are all present. Reeds from marshlands and riverbanks provided material for roofing, mats and baskets. Domesticated sheep and goat herding was widespread. Cattle were also herded; with cows used for milking, and oxen as draught animals. Mammals hunted in the wild include species of deer, gazelle and pig.
2.2.2 Archaeological andsocio-historical synthesis for the region
The central east Jordan Valley has been extensively surveyed (Ji 1997), and is the focus of excavations of several major sites, including Deir Alla, Pella, Abu Kharaz (described below) and Tell es-Sa’idiyeh [this chapter & App.D]. Further evidence comes from Beth Shan and other sites in the northwest Jordan Valley. A partial reconstruction of the settlement history for the Late Bronze and Iron Ages is possible, although it is emphasized that most sites are published in provisional form, and the findings presented here are subject to change. In addition, the relationship between Tell es-Sa’idiyeh and other east central Jordan Valley sites cannot yet be fully gauged, as the LBA-EIA occupational sequence at Sa’idiyeh (Upper Tell) requires reassessment and further study.
Nevertheless, excavations at Sa’idiyeh indicate settlement throughout most of the LBA and Iron Ages, indicating the potential for comparison with other strata in the region.
The site already plays a prominent role in socio-historical reconstructions for the region (e.g. Van der Steen 1996, 1999), particularly due to the Egyptian character of LBIIB-Iron
IA cemetery, and in interpretations of intrusive ‘Sea Peoples’ and other migrating groups in the Jordan Valley. The following section examines a range of evidence from contemporary documentary sources, archaeological excavations and surveys, and a range of socio-historical models for the LBA and EIA periods in the Jordan Valley, enabling a partial reconstruction of regional settlement patterns and socio-historical developments.
Beth Shan7, located at the entrance of the Jezreel and the North Jordan Valleys, shows evidence of Egyptian occupation and control for most of the LBA and Iron IA periods (Higginbotham 1999, 2000: 87-92; James 1966; James & McGovern 1996; Martin 2004;
McGovern 1994; Yadin & Geva 1986). Stelae and inscriptions attributed to the reigns of Seti I and Rameses II (19th Dynasty), and a statue of the Pharoah Rameses III (20th Dynasty), demonstrate that Beth Shan was an Egyptian controlled militaiy garrison and administrative centre in the LBIIB-Iron LA period. An inscription dated to Seti Fs reign, claims that the garrison was defended against revolts by nearby Pella and Hamath.
Evidence for specialized craft production in stone-carving, ceramic production and silicate technology point to the presence of Egyptian craft-persons, or at least those trained closely in Egyptian techniques (McGovern 1994; Martin 2004). Clay anthropoid coffins found in the Northern cemetery, are viewed by some as evidence for Egyptian soldiers and ‘Sea Peoples’ mercenaries at the site during the LBII-Iron IA periods (Oren 1973). The LBIIB-Iron IA evidence from Beth Shan indicates a special military function linked to the control and defence of trade routes and protection of caravans, transporting goods between the highlands of Transjordan and the Jezreel Valley, via urban centres such as Megiddo, and onwards towards Mediterranean coastal centres or the coastal road - the Via Maris (Halpem 2000).
Strata VIII-VII (LBEA-B: 14th-13th centuries), and VI (Iron I: 12th century), exhibit continuity of settlement between the LBA-Iron IA. Level VI/New level 4 represents a
‘garrison town’ occupied during the reign of Rameses III. The settlement was destroyed in the mid-late 12th century, marking the end of the 20th Dynasty Egyptian presence at Beth Shan (Mazar 2001: 293; Yadin & Geva 1986: 89). This corresponds with the disappearance of Egyptian material culture and evidence for Egyptian occupation at other sites in the region. This may have occurred due to a combination of economic and political pressures in Egypt, and widespread disruptions, leading to a reduced level of territorial control for Egypt in the region, and ultimately leading to a complete Egyptian withdrawal by the late 12* century8 (Bietak 1993: 301; Finkelstein 1998: 141, Weinstein
1981: 22-3, Weinstein 1992).
The Lower Str. V (11th century9) ‘Northern temple’ is thought to represent a rebuilding phase of the earlier Str. VII temple during late Iron I. The 19th Dynasty Egyptian stelae and the statue of Rameses III were installed within the temple, remaining there for approximately one century after the Egyptian withdrawal (Higginbotham 1999;
McGovern 1994: 144). This could indicate that some Egyptian traditions (perhaps the ideology of Pharoanic rule) were actively maintained by the local inhabitants well into the ‘post-Ramesside’ EIA (Bloch-Smith & Nakhai 1999: 87; James 1966: 150, 152).
Continued settlement at Beth Shan is indicated in later Iron I and Iron IIA, although the site appears to have been unfortified. Renewed excavations in stratum S-2 (dated by Mazar to the 11th century) found that many of the old buildings were rebuilt or rehabilitated, probably by the same inhabitants (2001: 293). In level S-l (dated by Mazar to the 10th century) parts of three large structures were found. These buildings, may have been part of a well-planned architectural complex, containing numerous ‘hippo’ type storejars. The site was destroyed (according to the excavator) in Shoshenq/Shishak’s campaign between 930-925 (ibid.: 293-4).
As shown by the evidence from Beth Shan, there was a degree of direct Egyptian involvement in the region during the LBII-Iron IA periods. For the LBA, the el-Amama letters and the Ta’anach tablets provide important insights into the level of Egyptian involvement in the wider region, and information on sites within the central valleys (Knapp 1993). Military campaigns and expeditions to Transjordan (Kitchen 1992), probably passing through the east central Jordan Valley, are one aspect of Egyptian activities in the region, although there were also economic relations. Commodities were given as tribute and gifts from Canaanite vassals to Egypt, including precious metals, glass, timber, agricultural products, cattle and slaves. The organisation of labour and the collection of agricultural produce were also required to maintain Egyptian garrisons and centres in Palestine (Na’aman 1981). Rehob (Tel Rehov/Tell es-Sarem), Taanach and Pella were two of the polities or ‘city-states’ integrated into the Egyptian vassal system in the Jezreel and north Jordan Valleys, located in areas viewed by the Egyptians as
‘Pharaonic lands’ (Na’aman 1988). However, the degree to which Egypt was able to control the region effectively is questioned as some vassals, for example at Pella in the 14th century, exhibited both active and passive resistance to Egyptian demands (Knapp 1993).
A recent study o f lists of ‘city-states’ known from the el-Amama letters, appears to tally with the archaeological settlement data available from surveys and excavations of LBA sites in the Southern Levant (Savage & Falconer 2003). The settlement pattern indicates that an urban centre was present for each city-state, with smaller secondary towns and villages within the state territory (Savage & Falconer 2003). A nucleated cluster of LBA sites corresponds with the region of Tell es-Sa’idiyeh and Deir ‘Alla (no. 6), suggesting this was a well-integrated settlement system fitting a ‘peer-polity’ model, with heavily populated but modestly sized centres (ibid.: 39-40). The Deir ‘Alla and Sa’idiyeh cluster has a similar structure to the Rehob/Pella grouping to the north (ibid.: fig. 4, cluster no.
1). Van der Steen suggests the settlement pattern in the Deir ‘Alla region indicates some kind of governmental system, as these towns and villages provided safety and stability to the inhabitants (1999: 182).
Further archaeological evidence points to a long settlement sequence at Pella (Tabaqat Fahl) in the North Jordan Valley (Bourke & Sparks 1995; Bourke 1997; Bourke et al 2003; McNicholl et al 1982, 1992). Excavations revealed the remains of a large public building or residency used during the LBI-LBILA periods, and wealthy LBA tombs containing imported products and luxury items. The tombs also yielded a considerable number of clay anthropoid coffins, perhaps indicating a degree of Egyptian involvement at the site. This period corresponds with the El-Amama letters concerned with the Canaanite princes Lab’ayu and his son Mut-‘Balu who had control over the town and the caravan routes in this area, and were generally uncooperative with the Egyptians (Knapp 1993: 39-51). In an interpretation linking settlement sequences at Pella and Sa’idiyeh, Van der Steen posits that the establishment of an Egyptian controlled settlement at Tell es-Sa’idiyeh in the 13th century, could mark an attempt to redirect and secure trade-routes away from rebellious Pella, to a new southern crossing point of the Jordan, connecting with Beth Shan and the Jezreel Valley (1999: 181).
Evidence for a prolonged occupation at Pella is indicated by the large temple building (Bourke et al 2003: 344-353), built in the MB/LB period, and showing evidence for continued use and rebuilding throughout the LBA. The building was destroyed and rebuilt in the LBIIA and Iron LA periods, rebuilt entirely in the Iron I/ILA transitional period, and finally destroyed in the Iron ILA-B transition (9th century). This indicates a high degree of continuity in temple building and re-use over time, perhaps analogous to the continuous re-use of temples at Beth Shan between the LBA and Iron Ages. Pella in Iron I is reduced to a fairly modest, but prosperous village of stone-built houses, and
exhibiting an expansion of settlement in the late Iron I-IIA period. An Iron Age ‘civic building’ is also present, dated to the mid 12th-9th centuries (Bourke et al 2003: 353). A series of LBIIB-Iron ILA rock-cut tombs (e.g. T.88, T.89) are situated on the wadi slopes in close vicinity to the settlement, suggesting continuity of use by local inhabitants.
Evidence for the re-establishment of interregional contacts in the EIA is indicated by the presence of Cypro-Phoenician Black on Red pottery. According to the excavators, Pella was destroyed during Iron ILA, in an episode provisionally dated to the mid to late 10^-9^
centuries (Edwards et al 1990: 62-63).
Excavations at Tell Deir ‘Alla (Franken 1969, 1992; Van der Kooij & Ibrahim 1989) reveal evidence for occupation during the LBA and Iron Ages. The principal LBA remains consist of a sanctuary on the north side of the mound, with a series of interlinked storerooms, kitchens and other side-buildings. A wide range of objects associated with cultic use, including imports from Egypt and the Aegean, and precious materials were found in LB Phase E. Oblong clay tablets featuring an undeciphered script were also found, interpreted by some as evidence for a ‘Sea Peoples’ presence in the Jordan Valley in the 13th-12th centuries10. Deir ‘Alla is viewed as an important regional market town, perhaps the focus of Egyptian interests in the late 13th-12th centuries motivated by the need to control east-west trade between Gilead (Transjordan) and Egypt (Franken 1992:
178-9; Van der Steen 1996: 181-182). The sanctuary was destroyed in at some point in the 12th century11. This is followed by the short-lived construction of a mudbrick tower or stronghold, which was soon destroyed and abandoned (LB Ph.G-H: Franken 1992:
102-3), attesting to general instabilities in the period, or the unsuccessful efforts of local groups to gain control of the site after the Egyptian withdrawal (Van der Steen 1999:
189-90).
Iron LA strata (A-D) consisted of large numbers of pits, postholes (from tents?), furnaces, and animal bones, are interpreted as representing a phase of seasonal occupation, perhaps by semi-nomadic groups engaged in a wide range of activities, including metal production (Van der Kooij & Ibrahim 1989: 80-81, Tubb 1988b). Van der Steen views these nomadic groups as transhumant pastoralists, perhaps from the Baq’ah Valley region (1995: 155-156). Late Iron I and early Iron II strata (Phases E-L, X-XI) indicate a settlement phase of houses and alleyways, often poorly constructed in the earliest phase, and becoming more formalized in later phases. It has also been argued that aspects of the pottery production indicate a ‘semi-nomadic’ character in the EIA phases. One feature is the disappearance of a small bowl type, and the appearance of large open vessels. Rather
than representing a large scale change in population (Frendo 1986), this could be seen as a change in local economy and lifestyles (Van der Steen 1999). The new settlement phases at Deir ‘Alla could point to a gradual process of resedentarisation during the 12th- 11th centuries. The more extensively excavated remains of rooms and buildings in Str.IX/Phase M, were in use during the 9th century, and destroyed in c.800 (Van der Kooij
& Ibrahim 1989: 82-88).
The role of Tall Abu al-Kharaz in the LBA and EIA is not yet clear and awaits further publication. The presence of a large LBA structure (possibly a temple) with material dated to the LBI-IIA periods including Cypriote imports, suggests the site was involved in similar dynamics of trade and interaction as Pella. The site was abandoned in LB IIA (Fischer 1991: 80), and LBIIB occupation is not yet identified. Iron I remains are limited, including part of a four roomed house (1998: 220-1), and a possible defensive wall (Fischer 1994: 130). The Iron I-IIA phase is seen as reflecting a greater concern for basic survival, due to the proliferation of coarseware pottery, and reduced evidence for long-distance trade and prestige goods (Fischer 2001:307). Continued occupation in Iron IIA-C periods is also indicated, with the presence of black juglets, Cypriote Black on Red pottery, and the construction of a stone tower.
Evidence from a series of smaller sites12 includes: a LBI-IIA burial site at Kataret es- Samra (Leonard 1979), early evidence for iron smelting at Iron II13 Tell el-Hammeh (Veldhuijzen & Van der Steen 1999), and the EIA ‘courtyard sanctuary’ at Tell el-Mazar Mound A (Yassine 1984, 1988b), situated equidistantly between Deir ‘Alla and Sa’idiyeh. This suggests that small-scale activities on low mounds away from permanent settlements played an important role in the Iron I-IIA periods in the Valley, perhaps related to the seasonal activities of semi-nomadic and itinerant groups.
Preliminary findings from sites west of the Jordan within the Jezreel and North Jordan Valley, such as Tel Rehov and Tell el-Hammah have not yet been integrated into reconstructions of settlement and occupational history of the east Jordan Valley, although the evidence published thus far from Tel Rehov suggests a prolonged settlement sequence throughout the LBA and Iron Ages punctuated by a series of destruction events (Mazar &
Camp 2000). The recent excavations at Rehov indicate that this was an important regional centre in both the LBA and Iron Ages.
Although there was apparent settlement continuity during Iron I at many Jordan Valley sites such as Pella, Beth Shan, Rehov and Sa’idiyeh, this was also a period of economic decline and reduced interregional trade contacts in comparison with the preceding LBA- Iron IA period. Van der Steen views the interregional collapse in the 12th Century as hastened by a sudden Egyptian withdrawal from the region. This is argued to have had a devastating impact on an already over-dependent and over-specialized system, leading to economic decline (1996: 184-190). Small village sites become more common, in contrast to the large urban centres of the LBA, with silos and plastered pits often found cutting into semi-abandoned tells. Occupational gaps, destruction levels and ephemeral architecture are also common features this period (Herr & Najjar 2001). Although there is evidence for a peaceful continuity of settlement at a number of sites, defence was still important to the inhabitants occupying walled settlements, for example at Tall Abu- Kharaz, Tall al-‘Umeiri (ibid.), and also Sa’idiyeh, which may have been an important stronghold in the valley. A shift towards a subsistence economy more dependent on semi-nomadic pastoralism and mixed farming is also posited for this period (Ji 1997).
For the lowland regions of the coastal plain and central valleys, a gradual re-emergence of local ‘Canaanite’ societies is posited after the 12th Century disruptions. Finkelstein labels this phenomenon ‘New Canaan’ or ‘Revived Canaan’ (2002b: 120-121; 2003), and posits a high degree of continuity of the local population for the Jezreel and North Jordan Valleys14. New urban centres developed due to a combination of demographic growth, a high degree of stability and economic recovery within the rural sector, and increased prosperity linked to the reopening of trade contacts between Phoenicia and Cyprus. Evidence for a resurgence in settlement is noted throughout the Jordan Valley in the early Iron ILA - as indicated at the sites described above including Pella, Deir ‘Alla, Beth Shan, and Tell es-Sa’idiyeh [App.D]. This widespread recovery in the lowlands and central valleys occurred in the 11th-10th centuries, came to an abrupt end at some point in the late 10th century (Finkelstein 2003: 78).
Although the cause of these destructions remains unclear, a prime candidate is Shoshenq I of Egypt in c.925 BCE15, with other candidates at different points in the 10th or 9th centuries including a Northern Israelite entity, expanding into the central valleys (Finkelstein 2002b), or destructions as a result of hostilities between the expanding territories of Israel and Aram-Damascus (Finkelstein 2004: 182). There are several Jordan Valley sites showing evidence for broadly contemporary destructions, linked to Shoshenq’s/Shishak’s campaign by various authors: these include Tell es-Sa’idiyeh Str.
XII (Mazar 1990: 398,401: n.21, 527: n.13), Rehov V (Coldstream & Mazar 2003: 44-5), Tell el-Mazar Mound A (Mazar 1990: 389-90), Pella Iron II ‘Phase C’ and Deir ‘Alla Phases M/IX (Edwards et al 1990: 62-63 check), Beth Shan lower V (James 1966: 153), Beth Shan S-l (Mazar 2001: 293-4), and also the ‘tenth century’ stratum at Tell el- Hammah (Cahill et al 1987: 282).
2.2.3 Biblical sources and the Jordan Valiev in the Early Iron Aze
Biblical accounts of the varied populations and settlement of Israelite tribes within the Jordan Valley require consideration, as the conquest and settlement of Canaan are generally considered to correspond with the end of the LBA and the Iron I period (Ahlstrdm 1993). These accounts are not given primacy in this socio-historical reconstruction, largely because the historicity of the Old Testament is difficult to qualify
Biblical accounts of the varied populations and settlement of Israelite tribes within the Jordan Valley require consideration, as the conquest and settlement of Canaan are generally considered to correspond with the end of the LBA and the Iron I period (Ahlstrdm 1993). These accounts are not given primacy in this socio-historical reconstruction, largely because the historicity of the Old Testament is difficult to qualify