Studies on women’s low levels of participation in political processes tend to focus on three inter-related explanatory variables when exploring the lack of gender parity in politics in general: cul-tural practices and norms, socioeconomics, and institutional factors. This study adopts this ap-proach in exploring the Maasai situation.
3.1 Socio-cultural barriers
Gendered separation among the Maasai has resulted in women’s absence from the public space, severely limiting their input in the community’s decision-making processes. Since they oversee domestic affairs however, they have little time to spare for political or other public engagements.
They are also relatively poor (Erakit 2013), which combines with cultural norms of the duties of women to create the “double-burden” barrier to participation (McNulty 2015). This argument was prevalent in the discussions with the respondents, with both men and women agreeing that women have limited time to engage in public affairs. Domestic duties take up most of their time:
They [the men] are now off to their jobs so if there is a political meeting they can go at night and will come back home whenever they wish. But as a woman, you cannot do this; you have to take care of the children, cows and other domestic affairs, but the men have free time (Interview, Female Respondent, Kimuka - Kajiado West, 23.03.2016).
With the increased awareness and legislative calls for change in engagement mechanisms, women are gradually becoming more visible in the public space. But while their presence is noteworthy, the substantial element of it remains questionable. Women are involved, arguably for the sake of numbers, without there being evident commitment to understanding and incorporating their views and opinions. For example, respondents reported that women in education and develop-ment committees were largely unaware of decisions made on these platforms, since men side-lined them. This attitude is prevalent in public forums, where men give speeches, but women are only given a chance to give a closing or a “women representation” remark. This was observed at a public meeting in Rombo Ward, Loitokitok Sub-County: at a meeting with the Member of Parlia-ment as guest of honour, there were over 20 speakers, but only three of these were women. Of the three, one was from the Ministry of Education, another from a Non-Governmental Organization that supports pupils at the local school, and only one woman from the community. This lady spoke on behalf of the women in the community, a chance that had been given to more than 10 men from the same community.
It is scenarios such as this that continue to discourage women from participating as they are in-creasingly aware of the lip service paid to the inclusion of women. They are largely ignored by the system which is embedded in patriarchy, forcing them to focus on their domestic duties instead.
As one respondent narrated:
When we hear of such meetings, we do not see the importance of attending because we would only be taking our eyes as we have no opportunity. So we choose to remain at home and do other things. Men tell us whenever they go for meetings and we let them go and choose to focus on our chores as we have no chances in such meetings (Interview, Female respondent, Nairagie Enkare - Narok East, 19.04.2016).
Unsurprisingly, this disregard for the political role of women shapes the sphere of political lead-ership. The first elected Maasai woman Member of Parliament, Ms. Tobiko narrated the harsh crit-icism she faced from the community during her contestation in the 2012 elections. She is reported to have overcome threats, alienation and curses from Maasai elders for “trying to be a man”
(Ndonga 2013). These sentiments were echoed by Ms. Merin, an aspirant for the position of Ward Representative, Rombo Ward in the 2017 elections. Being a single young mother, she was often criticised for neglecting her role as a mother, choosing instead to fight with men. She has been called Elkirikoi,2 and has been sexually harassed by men who promise to listen to her only after she has granted them sexual favours or agreed to be a second or even third wife.
It is therefore evident that regardless of the legislative commitment to the inclusivity of women in politics and public affairs by the Kenyan government, the community continues to be governed by norms that are in opposition to this vision. A reluctance to change or shift attitudes on deep rooted traditional cultural beliefs remains the biggest obstacle to institutional transformation (Norris / Inglehart 2000): gendered norms and rules are very powerful and evidently undermine formal changes to political participation parity within the community.
2 Mainly refers to wanderer in Maa, but could in cases like this loosely translate to prostitute.
While traditions and customs were often cited as reasons for continued male dominance in au-thority and decision making, one male respondent made it clear that the same is used as an excuse to perpetuate male dominance and maintain the status quo. He pointed out that the community has over time adopted many changes that contradicted what was termed traditional but are re-luctant to get rid of male dictatorship to promote gender equality.
3.2 Economic barriers
Maasai women’s freedoms of expression and socio-economic development have been affected by a lack of direct access to resources, limiting their capacity for development. They generally have limited control over property and resources as these are controlled by men as heads of house-holds. Consequently, women are relatively poor and can therefore not always afford to meet mon-etary demands beyond basic needs. This lack of access to the ‘‘material means of public participa-tion’’ (Fraser 1990: 64) enforces the socio-cultural disadvantages discussed above.
Public participation exercises tend to take place at administrative centres, necessitating travel for those from the villages. Participating in public fora therefore ranks lower for them as they choose to save the little resources they have to meet their domestic needs. The spare time they have for themselves is spent in women groups where they do beadwork, the proceeds of which contribute to meeting additional household and personal needs. As respondents narrated, calls for attend-ance to public meetings exclude inhabitants of areas further from administrative offices. Accord-ing to one respondent:
They make announcements for development meetings to be held in the administra-tive central. Further, they do not provide transport for the people coming from remote areas […] This process leaves out the common mwananchi because they need to go to the people at the grassroots and ask them what their needs are, and the people give their proposals (Interview, Female respondent, Loitokitok - Kajiado South, 03.03.2016).
This was also confirmed by the Narok County Budget Officer who reported that his office only reaches out to 12 locations that are easier to access. This excludes citizens who live in the out-skirts, and especially women who cannot afford to take time off their domestic duties for such meetings, or even afford it.
Participants and county governments alike depend on the availability of resources to be able to fulfil the participation mandate. The Kenyan Public Finance Management Act of 2012 in conjunc-tion with the County Public Participaconjunc-tion Act of 2014 give the public the right to participate throughout the entire budget process, which runs from the formulation of the budget, throughout its implementation, to the evaluation stage. The effectiveness of public participation thus depends on the availability of resources to implement it.
The issue of inadequate resources was prevalent in the discussions with both citizens and econo-mists in the planning departments of Kajiado and Narok county governments, magnifying the role
of financial constraints in limiting the implementation of the participation exercises as constitu-tionally envisioned. Financial resources do provide a constraint to the successful realization of public participation. Jütting et al. (2004) point to the reality that local governments may some-times lack the human and financial resources to effectively implement decentralization. As the excerpt narration from the Loitokitok respondent shows, the lack of resources in both the domes-tic and public fronts continue to limit Maasai women’s capacity to actively engage in public par-ticipation exercises. The women pointed out the need for such to take place within reasonable, preferably walking, distance so they could manage to attend at no cost.
Even though the funds are limited, this has not deterred its unfair distribution against women.
The Women Representative for example, administers the Uwezo Fund, a programme aimed at en-abling women, youth and persons with disability to access finances to promote businesses and enterprises at the constituency level.3 The citizens have questioned the equitable distribution of the fund, with respondents reporting that it has been overtaken by an elite who have become guaranteed beneficiaries in every allocation cycle, leaving out many other deserving citizens. This is in addition to the fund’s demanding and tedious application process that leaves very little room for the illiterate to participate. As a result, stratification in the community deepens, while at the same time widening socio-economic divisions.
3.3 Institutional barriers
Although the existing legal framework supports equal inclusion of women, respondents argued that there have been very few efforts to take the gender equality agenda seriously. The dissemi-nation of information on citizen rights and public participation procedures were reported to be absent. Many community members remain unaware of the provisions of the very transformative constitution that guarantees them a position and a voice in governance procedures. While most voted for the constitution in 2010 based on hearsay, the men are more knowledgeable on its pro-visions, a benefit derived from their wide socio-political circles. Presently, the majority are be-coming more knowledgeable based on the administrative failures that play out in public, such as suing parties and county governments for non-compliance with gender parity in nomination ex-ercises.4
Both men and women admitted that the lack of knowledge is the biggest challenge to gender main-streaming within the community. Civic education on the 2010 Constitution of Kenya was poor prior to the vote, and the situation still prevails, as one respondent explained:
We are asking the government to come to the grassroots, we sit together and discuss, and for them to explain the Constitution to the community because we don’t know.
3 A programme aimed at enabling women, youth and persons with disability access finances to promote businesses and enterprises at the constituency level: http://www.uwezo.go.ke/ (Accessed on 29.01.2019).
4 “Court revokes nomination of 12 Migori MCAs”: http://www.nation.co.ke/counties/migori/Court-revokes-nomination12-Migori-MCAs/1183306-4251058-i70lotz/index.html (Accessed on 29.01.2019).
They only come during the campaign period (Interview, Female respondent, Loi-tokitok - Kajiado South, 07.03.2016).
The limited civic education carried out was also skewed and marred with political interest. Very little, if anything at all, on rights and responsibilities was openly discussed, as another respondent summarised:
What there was, is that they told us Christians to refuse Islamic law and legalization of abortion. As Christians, we chose the Orange (No) and the others were Bananas (Yes). […] But we did not understand what it all meant […] As Christians we fought against the legalization of abortion (Interview, Female respondent, Kimuka - Kajiado West, 23.03.2016).
This created a loophole that promotes the apparent lack of political will and commitment to gen-der equality. Combined with the fact that neither Kajiado nor Narok counties have adopted a po-litical empowerment agenda, women continue to lack an equal voice in the participatory decision-making processes which would improve their agency and legitimise public participation within the community.
While women are appointed to development committees at the Ward levels, it is mainly done to fulfil the two thirds gender rule and not really to give a voice or any decision-making authority to them. This transcends to other positions in the administration, such as the chiefs, where it is rec-ommended that the Chief and the assistant Chief be representative of both genders, to make it easier for women to have one of their own to whom they can address their concerns. However, this does not work out as envisioned because the women in these positions always have men as colleagues and fellow decision makers. As it is therefore, both men and the structure in place do little to legitimise these women’s positions, and this clearly outlines the paradox of policy com-mitments. Of a female Chief in the Ewuaso Kedong Ward, it was reported:
In her position, the men just let her be for the sake of it. So it can be seen that she is there […] She is there because the government has said she should be […] She is there but most decisions are made for her…She is given the opportunity to speak but it is not so that she can say everything. The power is there just because the government created the position…They still say a woman cannot do much […] When a woman stands to speak on something they do not like, they use very bad language, asking 'What can a woman say or do?'[…] They ask in what capacity that woman gets up to speak to them (Interview, Female respondents, Kimuka - Kajiado West, 23.03.2016).
This scenario depicts the infiltration of gender bias into the administration, the consequence of which is a lack of commitment to fulfilling the agenda tasked to the institution. Having women in power without power is a failure of participation, not from operation or technique, but as a sys-temic consequence (Cooke /Kothari 2001). In supporting this, Connell (2005) theorises that prin-ciple and practice differ in the acceptance of change by men. It is more problematic in the Maasai community since it is the men who, due to their political dominance, select women who will join
committees and even endorse candidates for the Women Representative position, a special posi-tion that ensures that every county has a woman representative in the naposi-tional assembly. On how they voted for this position in 2013, a respondent narrated:
For example, when Mary Seneta [the Women Representative] expressed political in-terest, we had not known her previously but we voted for her because the men said they already knew her (Interview, Female respondent, Kimuka - Kajiado West, 23.03.2016).
In the Maasai patriarchal set-up, it matters that the male political class endorses a candidate, oth-erwise they stand little chance of winning. While it is true that women could do a lot more in nom-inating and voting for one of their own, the financial requirements in the Kenyan patron - client political set-up excludes many of them from being actively engaged in the political scene. Kimani (2014) highlights the fact that Kenya’s politics are heavily reliant on social capital, but the process of accumulating political capital is more favourable to men. Women interested in politics therefore search for male colleagues to act as patrons, in a bid to attain legitimacy and improve their chances of winning. The endorsement of women candidates by men makes it difficult for the women to contradict men, due to the prevailing logic of appropriateness (Chappell 2006) that forbids women from openly opposing or criticising men. For the longest time, men kept their wives’ iden-tity and voter’s cards, to ensure that they did not vote independently - this with the assistance of political party agents at voting stations. Incidences of violence were common whenever women acted independently. This is a proliferation and collusion of informal gendered norms in the for-mal public space, which in the end supports and upholds an elitist political structure that is dom-inated by men and slowing the gains of equality legislation.