4.7.- AP de las Palmas

Putting it all Together: A Discussion Using Multiple Lines of Independent Evidence

The previous chapter examined soil chemical residues, macroartifacts, microartifacts, and excavation data separately. The aim of this section is to consider multiple datasets in attempts to uncover any patterning between them. If activities were location specific, then I would expect to see clear definitions of activity loci where chemical or artifact concentrations are at higher levels compared to surrounding areas. Alternatively, if activities were overlapping and generalized, I would expect to see a more homogeneous distribution of chemicals and artifacts. When examining the spatial distribution maps presented in the previous chapter, many chemical and artifact distributions show areas with elevated concentrations; however, not all of these enriched loci are associated with visible architecture. Additionally, some distributions are relatively homogeneous in the open spaces surrounding architecture. The homogeneous distributions suggest that not only the patio groups, but also the open spaces between architecture, were being heavily trafficked in a generalized way. In other words, activities in these areas were not constricted to specific locations and were likely practiced throughout the sample space. Thus, activity areas overlapped and caused a homogenous distribution of chemicals and artifacts. Further, the chemically enriched and high artifact regions represent areas where activities were likely more location specific.

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Turning to specific distributions, daub appears to extend beyond the formal patio space of Group 1 with a few areas with higher quantities. Loci containing elevated ceramic and chipped stone concentrations also appear off structure from Group 1. It is possible that the daub surrounding Group 1 represents temporary perishable structures for activities involving high quantities of ceramics and chipped stone. The fill of Structure 59 contains an extremely high quantity of chipped stone debris in comparison to elsewhere in Group 1 in addition to elsewhere at Actuncan (Antonelli and Rothenberg 2011; Rothenberg 2012). Heindel (2015) suggests that the high amount of chipped stone is a result of the prehispanic use of the space as a chipped stone dump site, rather than a location for tool production. Debris present in the fill of Structure 59 came from elsewhere, perhaps from activity loci surrounding Group 1. The high concentrations of P, often associated with food consumption and preparation, and Mn, related to organic refuse disposal, surrounding Group 1 suggest the location–specific activities surrounding Group 1 likely included food, possibly for ceremonial feasting. Additionally, the presence of elevated levels of Fe compared to background levels, linked with iron oxide (a mineral commonly used in ceremonial contexts including rituals using ochre and hematite) at Group 1 suggests the possibility of ritual activities. Statistical analysis showed that the samples from Group 1 contained distinctly different chemical signatures than both Group 5 and Group 6 in addition to Op. 48. This suggests that ancient activities practiced at Group 1 differed from those that occurred in other locations within the sample area. I argue that location–specific activities in Group 1 may have been affiliative practices, or community events that included members from other nearby households. The perishable structures represented by the high daub quantities may have been needed to accommodate the other members of the community involved in the affiliative ritual practices. Alternatively, perishable structures may represent shared outside work

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areas, such as for stone tool production or large–scale food preparation. High limestone concentrations overlapping the elevated daub locations between Group 6 and Group 1 may represent permanent platforms for the perishable structures. Further, excavation data from Group 1 suggest the use of its eastern structure, Structure 60, for burials of important community members in addition to the group being a location for ancestor veneration. The speleothem and cave pearls found here are interesting as cave materials have yet to be found elsewhere in the group and would have had to have come a far distance since there are no nearby caves to the site. With the significance of caves among the prehispanic Maya (e.g., Chládek 2011; Brady and Rissolo 2006; King et al. 2012), the presence of these items speak to the spiritual importance of Structure 60. Additionally, the sequential manner in which the individuals were buried in sacred space rather than individual pits or graves suggests a higher importance on the burial place as a location of ceremonial importance (rather than the graves, themselves). The emphasis on locale further suggests a tie to the landscape, and possibly to the long occupation history of Group 1 (LeCount 2012:9). Founded in the Middle Preclassic and the earliest documented household at Actuncan to date, Group 1 was continuously occupied until the Postclassic. Perhaps the selection of Group 1 as the location for ancestor veneration was connected to the ancestral ties (real or perceived) of the Group 1 residents to the founders of the original Preclassic household. It is likely that other households participating in shared rituals also traced their decent to the same common ancestors. Since no other patio group at Actuncan has yielded the high number of burials present at Group 1, LeCount (2012:9) has argued that “it is possible that prominent members of the community were buried at Group 1 even though they lived elsewhere in the Northern [Settlement] or beyond.” LeCount also notes that this pattern is similar to what Gonlin (1993) documented in the Copan Valley where rural households exhibited “strong ties to focal

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residences.” At Actuncan South during this time, there is a similar attempt to connect residents to Preclassic ancestors with the construction of platforms that shifted the plaza space of the triadic temple group to focus on the eastern structure, Structure 5 (see Chapter 4). Continued shared rituals would have helped to reinforce social ties to the land and group ancestors in addition to reinforcing a sense of community affiliation and identity.

The space between Group 1 and Group 6 contains evidence of location–specific activity, particularly with higher concentrations of Fe and K relative to adjacent areas. The location– specific activities conducted between these groups suggest a connection between them, with possibly Group 6 functioning as an extension of Group 1. The space between these groups may have been used on special occasions in connection with the ritual practices that transpired between the two groups along a prepared route, possibly raised or otherwise demarcated. Ritual activity at Group 6 is supported by the jade bead and marine shell tinkler bead, artifacts commonly associated with ritual ceremonies (e.g., Chase and Chase 1998; Garber 1983), uncovered during test excavations. Additionally, the lower levels of P present at Group 6 relative to Group 5 and Group 6 suggest that activities involving food were likely not practiced here and the group was not utilized for the preparation and serving of food on a daily basis. Alternatively, if food was involved, it was cleaned up immediately after its deposition and therefore does not appear chemically. Finally, the extremely high levels of daub at Group 6 relative to all other areas suggest a difference in construction compared with Group 5 and Group 1 with an emphasis on perishable architecture as opposed to limestone buildings. Construction of perishable structures may be due to the use of Group 6 during specific times or for specific purposes, possibly ritual, rather than everyday use.

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The space south of Group 1 contains very few artifacts with the exception of an area containing high quantities of small pieces of daub and ceramic. Chemically, there are extremely high levels of Ba relative to other areas, associated with lime plaster, present in this location. These patterns likely represent a plaster floor from a defined, though open air, region on which perishable structures were placed, perhaps in association with activities occurring in Plaza H, to the south. The enlargement of Structure 61 at Group 1 further emphasizes the importance of the area adjacent to Plaza H. Although Plaza H has been proposed to have been a marketplace (see Keller and Craiker 2012), research here is ongoing.

In summary, the goal of my research was to determine similarities and differences in the use of space throughout the sample area. Were architecturally–free areas used in similar ways to residential groups? Did Terminal Classic residents of the Northern Settlement conduct similar activities in all of the residential groups? Alternatively, were these groups locations for different types of practices? Ultimately, I found that residential areas at Actuncan and the spaces between them were very busy places. Residents did not confine themselves to the formal patio spaces but, rather, interacted with the entire landscape. However, activities within groups and between groups were not the same. Group 1 appears to have been a locus for more location–specific activities than the rest of the area and may have been an arena for ceremonial feast ing involving other members of the community, including residents of Group 5. These affiliative practices were likely connected with group ancestors buried in Group 1 and enforced ties to the land that residents had occupied for generations. Group 6 was likely not used as a residence but, rather, as a location for specific activities, possibly ritual or other group-oriented activities. Shared practices in the Northern Settlement during the Terminal Classic would have helped to enhance inter–household relationships and contribute to the creation and expression of shared social

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identity. Affiliative practices provided a sense of connection to place that integrated people. These same shared activities also contributed to social memories and meanings and fostered a common sense of self-awareness within the community. During the Terminal Classic, social bonds associated with group identity were stronger than broader political dynamics. With the collapse of surrounding political structures, residents of the Northern Settlement did not abandon their homes. Rather, strong social ties between community members, as well as to their land and to their ancestors, motivated populations to stay in place and continue with everyday life. Future expansion of the investigation area by examining artifact and chemical patterns elsewhere in the Northern Settlement will help to explore community connections with other households and to investigate how far social connections to the ancestors of Group 1 spread throughout the community.

As a final remark, it is important to note that the time scale in this project is not a single point in the past but, rather, a span of at least 100 years. As with most archaeological research, the interpretations that I have drawn stem from a palimpsest of human activities. Therefore, I am limited in the specificity of my conclusions. Nonetheless, discussions of the data patterns that I have presented in this manuscript are constructive in the attempt to understand ancient repeated human practices.

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Chapter 9.