Aplicación de la propuesta y constatación de los resultados.

The societies in pre-colonial SSA were mostly hunter-gatherer and/or agricultural where the division of labour between women and men was based on the roles they were expected to play in their respective societies. These roles were defined usually as a result of cultural perceptions of men and women in society, commonly shared in different regions of SSA. Most African groups were made up of kinsmen or clansmen and, depending on the group in question, they were either patrilineal or matrilineal (Collins and Burns, 2006). The

family lineages in patrilineal societies were usually traced from the father, whereas those in matrilineal societies were traced from the male kin of the mother’s side of the family. In past epochs of patrilineal societies, such as the Gusii society in Kenya, there was a preference for boys over girls because of the protection and support that they were believed to provide to the community and/or their families. However, in some matrilineal societies such as the Yoruba in Nigeria, there was flexibility in terms of the sociocultural perceptions held about women and their roles in society (see ‘female daughters and male husbands’ in 3.2.1.a). Women in some pre-colonial societies (e.g. the Akan in Ghana and Igbo in Nigeria) engaged in the political affairs of their society as well as trade. This was a result of some of the accepted roles attributed to them in their societies. Moreover, the division of labour within the household and the socialisation of children, especially young girls, are important areas to highlight with regards to this research as women played an influential role in these areas.

a. Women’s Productive and Reproductive Role in the Household

The household in pre-colonial SSA has been described as a unit in which the relations between women, men and children depended on the prescribed roles they played within the unit (Shaw, 1997; Schmidt, 1991). As outlined in the literature review, the household refers to members sharing a living space where they interact regularly which can be comprised of an individual, nuclear family or extended family. Most pre-colonial households were

comprised of both nuclear and extended families which lived in a shared compound. Most of the households were usually headed by a man because of the protection and care he was expected to provide for his wives and families. However, in some unique situations, for instance among the Yoruba, older or widowed women were in a position to set up their own domestic units (McIntosh, 2009: 84). Polygamy was a common practice in many African societies whereby a man was allowed to marry as many women as he could afford through

the cultural practice of bride wealth. Bride wealth was paid before any marriage was

consummated and it was an agreement between two families and not only husband and wife.

Guy (1987) indicates that in southern Africa, bride wealth for women signified that women would fulfil their productive and reproductive obligations for their future husband’s household and men were also expected to provide and protect their wives. If either failed in their duties, the bride wealth would be returned to the woman’s family and the marriage annulled. The marriage system was, therefore, governed by the cultural norms and beliefs that ensured that it remained a collaborative and functional unit in which there were expected roles that men and women had to fulfil (Kressel, et.al. 1977). Married women usually lived with the husband and his family and the living arrangements in polygamist marriages were that each wife had her own house or a separate room to accommodate her and her children. The man had his own house or separate room in a large compound owned by the man and/or his family. This communal set up allowed members of households to function as a unit as according to Kanu (2007), “the doctrine of communalism emphasizes the activity and success of the wider society rather than, although not necessarily at the expense of, the individual” (2007: 74). This set up worked as co-wives were able to support one another in domestic chores (McIntosh, 2009). This arrangement was later targeted by the colonial administrators who aimed to change the structure of marriage and the division of labour between women and men with the introduction of Christianity, education and wage labour (see section 3.2.2.a).

Nonetheless, women’s status and wealth depended on their productive and

reproductive roles as they provided labour for the land owned by their husband or father who inherited the land from their forefathers. Women unable to have children were denied a status (Silberschmidt, 1991; Shadle, 2006: 12). Amadiume (1987) notes that among the Igbo in Nigeria, negative and positive stereotypes were attached to women but not men. ‘Good’

women were those who were obedient, performed their expected duties, bore children and looked after their husband. ‘Bad’ women, on the other hand, were considered to be rebellious and challenging towards their husband or father and were sometimes associated with women unable to socialise respectable children (1987: 93-94). Women were not expected to exhibit masculine behaviour (e.g. being authoritative towards men). This suggests that women’s behaviour was controlled by the dominant perceptions of society which served to stereotype and control women. Being restricted to certain forms of gendered behaviour could mean that an individual lacked control over her own life including decision-making.

Women were unable to inherit land or large livestock (e.g. cows), but were entitled to a piece of land in order to grow food crops needed for their family and own small animals such as pigs and chickens considered to be ‘women’s animals’. Yet, this depended on the society as amongst the Kipsigis in Kenya, women had the right to hold and control ‘house property’ (e.g. women’s personal cattle) and pass it onto their sons as inheritance (Von Bülow, 1992: 527-8). Other East and West African societies such as the Nandi in Kenya and the Igbo in Nigeria, allowed for the practice of ‘male daughters and female husbands’7 that enabled women to inherit land and wealth from their fathers (thus male daughters) or occupy a male status (hence female husbands). The Igbo language interestingly used a gender-neural term to refer to the head of household or wife without specifying the gender as in the case of the latter, a wife can be used to refer to those under the authority of another (Amadiume, 1987: 90). This practice suggests that women were allowed to occupy positions normally reserved for men (Berry, 1989: 43). In other societies, this was not the case as amongst the Gusii people in Kenya, the gender division of labour was prominent and women were

7 _{‘Male daughters’ as a practice occurred only when a father with no male kin to inherit his wealth could call on}

his daughter to return from her husband’s home, to inherit his wealth (Amadiume, 1987). Whereas ‘female husbands’ (in woman-to-woman marriages) emerged when a wealthy, usually senior, woman married another woman for the purposes of having children on her behalf due to infertility or menopause (Amadiume, 1987; Obbo, 1976; Oboler, 1980).

expected to be subordinate to men (either their husband or father) and men had the right to assert their authority through control of the household wealth (Silberschmidt, 1991: 35-6).

The sociocultural perceptions established in some pre-colonial SSA societies

suggested that women were expected to be subordinate to men, except where practices such as those of female husbands and male daughters prevailed. Women were stereotyped as a way of controlling their behaviour from deviating into male roles. In addition, women occupying a subordinate position were not allowed to be involved in the decision-making process as men took up this role. However, they were in a position to make decisions

regarding their expected roles (e.g. child rearing, domestic chores). The gendered division of labour within the household was further entrenched during the colonial era, when

administrators used religion, education and wage labour to create new and different sociocultural perceptions of women in relation to men. Alongside the household, women were seen to play an influential role in the socialisation process, especially of daughters or girls.

b. Women in Traditional African Education and Politics

Traditional African education began at puberty and refers to the transmission of the tradition and culture of the society (Kanu, 2007: 69). Wandibba argues that women were considered responsible for socialising children from infancy to puberty (1997: 333-34). Once children reached puberty, they were put in age groups by gender where they learned as a group, the skills that would make them men or women. For example, before puberty amongst the Luhya (specifically the Babukusu), an ethnic group in Kenya residing near Mount Elgon, all children (male and female) were taught about their societal environment and ways of contributing to the household. From puberty, gendered cultural expectations were transmitted to young children, and within this labelling may have occurred. Young girls worked

would engage in once they became mothers and wives. The age groups created a space where young girls and boys learned the cultural meaning of the activities that they engaged in (Shaw, 1997). More responsibility was placed on women to socialise children in the traditions of society as young girls were taught how to be good wives and mothers to their future husbands and children (Falola, 2003: 252-3). Failure in this duty could lead women to be reprimanded by members of society.

Men normally dominated political and economic institutions though some scholars suggest that women, in some societies have held political positions or engaged in certain institutions. For instance, among the Akan of Ghana, Smock (1977) noted that senior women in society managed political affairs concerning women. This suggests that women’s issues were dealt with by a highly respected female member of society, usually the wife of a chief. On the other hand, Shaw (1995) found that among the Kikuyu (ethnic group in Kenya), women were being excluded from general political activities because their reproductive and mothering roles prevented them from participating in political meetings held at night. This implies that while women were in a position to deal with women’s issues and could be represented by a senior woman, their gender role restricted them from participating in

political issues in general. Amongst the Igbo in Nigeria, Van Allen (1972) noted that men had more power and influence in political issues that affected the society as a whole, but that women had their own space where they held their own political discussions, mostly in

gatherings at the marketplace (1972: 169). Women’s engagement in politics was minimal and on rare occasions they occupied senior political positions, for example, when they were appointed as regent to male heirs. This was commonly found in West and southern African kingdoms (Barnes, 2006). Meanwhile, during the early years of contact with westerners through trade of exotic goods, missionaries and anthropologists were engaged with African

society as they learnt about the cultures and practices of African groups. This helped the colonising European nations to understand African social institutions and formulate ways of controlling as well as manipulating them for their own gains.