Aplicación y evaluación de secuencias cifrantes

How climate change is understood and explained, is not formulated with scientific information but in the frame of social constructionism. Chapter 1 demonstrated that an individual’s relation to the environment is culturally patterned and cultural factors shape beliefs of how nature functions and how individuals understand and act to solve environmental problems. The complex relationship between language, interaction and action shape climate discussions and policy work and is continuously changing in social interaction. The social construction of climate change moulds the climate change discourse. This discourse comprises of various culturally and socially patterned term, such as climate policy leader, global responsibility and climate justice. ⁸⁹

Another approach to the social aspect and more decisively, social drivers, are climate change or climate policy related effects to society. Climate adaptation and resilience policies often aim to disaster risk reduction, and the question is of economic losses, environmental changes and human casualties. In this thesis, motives to prevent these impacts are partially incorporated ecological

89 Cass & Pettenger 2007, 239

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drivers, and this choice is made based both on earlier research and case cities’ experiences on extreme weather events. That being said, adaptation measures are also often practised foremost for the protection of vulnerable people. For instance, social drivers lead to adaptation measures, which aim to reduce the vulnerability of groups that are disadvantaged because of physical or psychological characteristics or living in areas that are at risk.

Even if Bologna is much more focused on adaptation policies, both case cities share social drivers somewhat equally. In Turku, social perspective is associated the most on preventive measures and adapting to environmental changes. Preparing for ecological changes, reinforced by climate change, is means for the municipality to affect the wellbeing of citizens. Seniors and citizens, whose physical state is declined, are recognized as especially vulnerable.

According to an analysis of Bologna, the main climate change threats are water scarcity, floods and landslides and extreme heat. Each is a hazardous risk for health and daily life of the citizens. Directly, social impacts that municipality wants to avoid, are in connection to groups of vulnerable people because of their age, the status of living alone, existing problems with health or because of the particular social or economic situation. Bologna is especially worried because of the occurrence of urban heat island phenomenon and heat waves and therefore creating an alert system to prevent casualties taking place.

Some social drivers are also more tangible. Decisions regarding energy efficient housing or costs of public transport associate to quality of life, because they produce lower energy costs and make transportation more accessible for citizens. Actions to improve air quality generate upgrade in public health and reductions in traffic congestion. These measures may increase the comfort level of the public. Among my research material, one social driver is found mainly in Turku. This is an objective of enforcing the propensity of citizens to self-motivation and community spirit. The desired outcome in this original driver is fortified the resilience of the public to environmental changes in states of emergency.

Despite latest notion, in case of both Turku and Bologna, socially related outcomes that municipalities drive for, are nevertheless mostly hazardous weather events and programmes recognize little opportunities to raise social wellbeing or to alleviate effects of environmental hazards that are not sudden, but more gradually propagating changes. Similarly, previous studies

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have found out that social factors such as intra and intergenerational equity and community development or reducing the risk for vulnerable urban social groups seem to be less influential.⁹⁰ In the end, urban climate action of case cities is also driven because of global responsibility and global social threats. This applies primarily to Turku. Refugees, who will have to flee because of an environmental disaster of less sudden changes in the environment, such as drought, are mentioned in climate programme. The bigger picture is that global risks and changes also affect city of Turku, and if the city receives a growing number of refugees in years to come, they have to take into account social issues, such as segregation.

Lastly, when asked why to set climate strategies and exert mitigation policies, climate expert of Turku assures, that none should conceive themselves exempted from responsibility or justify inaction in Turku with the inaction of some others. The final perspective of how climate policy work is responsibility as a driver. This means understanding, of how the severity of global warming is tangible in each corner of the world and more than it city of Turku, in places elsewhere.

Risks of climate change are unevenly distributed across geography, social classes, and demography, which reflects into urban climate response. This also indicates a share of urban climate response between cities in distinct continents. Although Turku and Bologna situates in very diverse climatic zones, the discrepancy is more drastic to cities in global South, where poverty, inequality or vulnerability is more considerable. Social drivers are in a lesser role to economic, environmental, political and framing, and the most likely explanation is that social risks are not the primary concern in European cities of strong societal capacity and living standards.

Social aspects Public health

Global responsibility

Preventing casualties and impacts of hazardous weather events

Protection of vulnerable people Wellbeing of citizens

Climate refugees Lower costs of living Alleviating poverty

90 Kousky and Schneider, 2003 ; Sippel and Jenssen, 2009.

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Stronger motivation and community spirit Social resilience in times of emergency