Aplicaciones de la visión artificial

u n d e r t a k e n for the issuance of a chanot thii d i n . It includes a plot identification slip, b a i n a m .

r estricting the borrowing of money by farmers.

Table 4.5

Land A c q u i s i t i o n & O w n e r s h i p in Noon Tae and Tha Song Korn R i c eland U pland Total

Plots Inherited Plots Pur c h a s e d Total Plots

Plots with Chanot Plots with N.S.3 Plots with S.K.l Total Plots 122 (94%) 44 (85%) 166 (91%) 8 (6%) 8 (15%) 16 (9%) 130 52 182 7 (5%) 118 (91%) 5 (4%) 130 5 (10%) 46 (88%) 1 (2%) 52 12 (7%) 164 (90%) 6 (3%) 182

A lt h o u g h land was scarce in the research area and all the inhabitants p e r c eived that fragmentation of holdings w a s increasing as p o p u lation grew, no family had managed to gain control of a dominantly large a mo un t of land (graph 4.1). The largest land owner was a M r Liang Arway of Baan Tha S o n g Korn who owned 81 rai, and of the sample only four of the 79 agricul t u r a l households, or 5%, owned more than 46 rai.

The importance of tenancy and the d i s t r i b u t i o n of land in d e t e r m i n i n g the degree of economic r e s p onsiveness among farmers is well known. It "controls or at least limits the p o w e r of choice and action of individuals and families; it is the chief means of rat i o n i n g economic opportunity; and it determines the impersonal d istrib u t i o n of pro d u c t i o n and income and the extent to which general economic incentives become mea n i n g f u l to the farmer" (Oweis; quoted in Chumphot S u v a p h o r n , 1 9 7 5 , p 118).

G ra p h 4 .1 . Z> CO H <o CM 00 spioyQsnoH jo jeqiunN S iz e of H o ld in g s : ra i ^

The fairly equal distrib u t i o n of land [1] c o upled with the low rate of tenancy and the high p roportion of land with c ertifi c a t e s of o w n ership in Noon Tae and Th a Song Korn

at

means that vleast in this respect there are seemingly no p r oblems restraining the farmer.

Rice

Padiland acc o u n t s for over 83% of the land un d e r cultivation in the the villages and rice, as the subsistence crop, is of p a r a m o u n t importance with every other asp e c t of a g ri c u l t u r e being subordi n a t e d to its demands. T aking the average consumption of paddy as 246.4 kilograms per capita per ye a r [2] (IBRD,Sept 1 9 7 8 , p 197), then of the 71 households in the sample (88% of total sample) w it h no substantial income outside agriculture, 76% (54 households) grew enough rice in the 1982/83 season to meet their needs. O f the remaining 17 households who did not, nine stated that they would n o rmally e xpect to have to buy add i t i o n a l rice while seven remarked that their p r o d uction was abnormal and in most years they could e x pect to pr o d u c e e nough to feed t hemselves and their families (one h o u s ehold gave no reply) (table 4.6).

[1] Gr a p h 4.1 shows that although overall land distrib u t i o n is fairly equal, when the two villages are e x a m i n e d individually Baan Noon Tae exh i b i t s a somewhat

less e q u i table d i s t r i b u t i o n than Baan T h a S o n g Korn. However, the difference is not felt to be dramatic enough to upset the contention that land in the villages is not u n e qually d istributed .

[2] This figure is a r rived at by taking the average per capita paddy consumption for the years 1967-1977.

the study area 84% of the rainfed paddy was p l anted to it (table 4.7). Those farmers who grew n o n - g l u t i n o u s rice (k h a aw j a a w ) did so for two reasons: e i t h e r they owned enough riceland to turn a portion of it over to what is ess e n t i a l l y a cash crop; or they had d e c i d e d to take advantage of the h i g h er price commanded by kh a a w j a a w ,

through growing and selling it, and b uying back pr o p o r t i on at el y more kh a a w niaw for their own consumption.

Table 4.6

Rice P r o d uction and Rice C o n s u mption [*] N um be r of % Hou s e h o l d s G ro w enough rice to meet 51 63% con s u m p t i o n requirements

Gr ow n on - g l u t i n o u s rice to

sell, buying back glutinous 3 4% rice for home consumption

Do not grow enough to meet 16 20% c on su mp t i o n requirements

Do not grow enough to meet

consumpt'n but have substantial 8 10% income outside a g riculture

N o n - ag ri c ul tu r al households 2 2%

L an d l e s s family 1 1%

[*] C on s u m p t i o n req u i r e m e n t taken as 246.4 kilograms of paddy per capita per year (IBRD,Sept 1 9 7 8, p 197).

Table 4.7 shows the varieties of rice grown and the area planted. T a k i n g only the rainfed paddy, except for one h o u sehold in Baan Noon Tae who cultivated seven rai of

R D - 6 , no farmer in the questionnaire sample grew any of the RD rice types in the crop year 1982/83. Instead, a l m o s t 48% of the pl a n t e d riceland was d e voted to two

'traditional' [1] varieties of glutinous rice: nang nuan and khaaw d o r . A further 510.5 rai or 43% was planted to three 'improved' rice types: khaaw dok mali 1 0 5 , sanpathong and kum p h a i . S a n p athong and kum phai are both g lu t i n o u s and were released by the Thai g o v e r n me nt in 1962 C2], while kh a a w dok mali 105 is n o n - g l u t i no us and was released in 1959. All three of the rices were bred to incorporate the best q u a l ities of a n u mber of traditional types; but even so they are not HYV's but p r o ducts of an e a r l i e r pe r i o d of breeding. The final 10% of rainfed p addy was p l a n t e d to three non-glu t i n o u s rices: khaaw jaaw k h a a w , khaaw jaaw luang tong and khaaw laaw l o o y .

The 6 rai of irrigated riceland c u l t i v a t e d by those