3. MARCO METODOLÓGICO
4.4 Saberes aprendidos
4.4.3 Aprendiendo de la quemadura:
Although the SANA leaders abhorred strike action, throughout its existence nurses occasionally did go on strike, especially in the 1980s to 1990s (Potgieter & Muller 1998:18-19). However, the most significant protest action in which South African nurses were involved, along with non-nursing organisations, was the 1956 to 1958 campaign to protest what were commonly referred to as the pass laws.
FEDSAW was a multiracial organisation best remembered for leading the women’s march to the Union Buildings on 9 August 1956. The Federation’s leaders included women such as Helen Joseph, Albertina Sisulu, Lilian Ngoyi and Frances Baard (University of Witwatersrand 2006).
potential to introduce racial segregation into the nursing profession (Joseph 1957; University of Witwatersrand 1957a). The SANA Discussion Group wrote a letter to the ICN in protest. It stated that the proposed Nursing Bill would negatively affect patients if the standard of training for Black and Coloured nurses was lowered. The group objected to any discrimination on the SANA Board and stated that the new Nursing Act should honour and uphold “the principle and the practice of equality” (Ramusi 1957b) in nursing affairs. The FEDSAW Secretary (Helen Joseph) promised that the nurses’ memorandum of protest would be discussed at a planned FEDSAW Transvaal conference, and in the meantime invited the SANA Discussion Group to affiliate with FEDSAW (Joseph 1956; Nyama 1956).
A circular (dated 8 August 1957), sent to the secretaries of the SANA branches and the secretaries of the SANA “non-European Discussion Groups”, invited all interested nurses to attend a national conference of nurses planned for 2-3 November 1957. The purpose of the conference was to discuss the proposed new Nursing Bill and the possible formation of a non-discriminatory nurses’ organisation that could directly affiliate with the “International Nursing Council” [sic] (University of Witwatersrand 1957b). The circular strongly objected to the proposed racial discrimination which was “alien to the ethics and traditions of our profession” (University of Witwatersrand 1957b). It reiterated the view that the Nursing Bill would impact negatively on the profession and on South African society. It would “destroy the harmony and co-operation between nurses of different racial groups which at present exists” (University of Witwatersrand 1957b).
A second circular (dated 7 September 1957) explained that existing multiracial SANA branches were being dissolved in favour of segregated branches. The Organising Committee reminded nurses that the new Nursing Act (69 of 1957) only acknowledged decisions made by a White majority in a meeting, thus depriving Black and Coloured SANA members from decision-making powers. Nurses in South Africa’s main centres were participating in multi-racial demonstrations, and Black nurses refused to be part of separate branches and did not elect committees. In their opinion, SANA did not represent the interests of all South African nurses. The call for a multi-racial nurses’ organisation “not … restricted by the Nursing Act” (University of Witwatersrand 1957b) was repeated. The threatening socio-political environment in the 1950s was evident in Circular no. 2. The Organising Secretary confirmed the dates of the conference and then merely stated that a conference hall for 500 persons and accommodation had been arranged.
Delegates had to meet at Park station and would be transported to the venue (University of Witwatersrand 1957b). Circular no. 2 concluded with a call that was reminiscent of the 1942 Trade Union crisis:
Figure 7.2: Circular 2
(University of the Witwatersrand 1957b)
The protest against the Nursing Act (69 of 1957) came to head when the introduction of racially segregated SANC registers became a reality on 1 January 1958. African women were required to have a so-called passbook, which would be used to register nursing candidates for midwifery and/or general nurse training. They had to choose between having a qualification and a passbook (with its implied loss of dignity and freedom) or no passbook and no qualification. Some refused to carry passbooks, such as the 120 women in Uitenhage who were subsequently jailed for two months (Baragwanath nurses…1958; University of Witwatersrand 1958a). FEDSAW and the ANCWL (Transvaal) rallied to these nurses’ side, calling for the formation of a liaison committee which would organise protest marches to the hospitals threatening “to withdraw their daughters from the hospitals” (Joseph 1958a). Although FEDSAW mobilised on behalf of South African nurses, there was a greater issue at stake: “the example of nurses will easily be followed by other African women, who see their educated sisters, members of a highly respected profession, accepting passes” (University of Witwatersrand 1958b). Knowing the personal and professional risks that nurses were taking, it was decided that non-nursing organisations would manage the campaign and that no official call would be made on nurses to join (Joseph 1958b; University of Witwatersrand 1958b). They were, however, invited to send representatives to the proposed liaison committee – an offer which FOSANAM declined in a handwritten letter. The Federation hoped to join the ICN and as such could not afford to be viewed as a religious or political entity: “We are bound by a resolution of our last National Conference to fight against Passes [sic] as a nurses’ Professional [sic] body only” (Khale 1958). SANA-styled exclusivity became evident.
The non-nursing organisations forged ahead and organised a march to the Baragwanath Hospital on Saturday, 22 March 1958 at 10 am (All quiet … 1958; Joseph 1958b). A letter was sent to the Matron of the Hospital and the Principal of the non-European Nurses’ Training College informing them of the purpose of the march and requesting a meeting with them (Joseph 1958c). Despite roadblocks and the presence of a large armed force, the march was completed without violence (All quiet … 1958; Cordons round townships … 1958). The deputation met with Miss Simpson (the Matron-in-Charge) who assured them that training and certification remained the same for nurses of all races. She also confirmed that nurse candidates did not have to provide their identity numbers when they registered for training. FEDSAW welcomed these decisions and called on SANC to repeal the racial clauses in the Nursing Act (69 of 1957) (Baragwanath nurses … 1958; Victory in part 1958).
In a letter to the Editor of the New Age newspaper, the joint regional secretaries of FEDSAW (Transvaal) commended the women who had marched to Baragwanath for their courage, discipline and dignity (Joseph 1958d). Welsh (2000:452-453) concludes that “women of different races often showed a better capacity for cooperation than did their men” and that “Within fifteen years reality asserted itself, and the [Nursing] Act [69 of 1957] was quietly ignored”.
Figure 7.3 Circular issued by FEDSAW re passes for nurses
(University of the Witwatersrand [Sa]b).