Aprendizaje Basado en Problemas

4 Wardrobe Allowance 25% 621,061.37 5 Recess 10% 248,424.55 6 Accommodation 200% 4.968.509.00 7 Utilities 30% 828.081.83 8 Domestic 35% 863.184.12 9 Entertainment 30% 823.081.83 10 Personal Assistance 25% 621.061.37 11 Vehicle Maintenance 75% 1.863.184.12 12 Leave 10% 248.424.55

13 One off severance

payment 300% 7.452.736.80

14 Motor vehicle 400% 9.936.982.00

When one compares the above salaries with those of professors in most of the Nigerian universities who earn less than N600,000.00 totaling less than N7, 200,000.00 annually and the poverty rate, especially in northern parts of Nigeria, one will understand why some of the northern political elites have always been reluctant to allow power shift to the south. Table 4 below shows ranges of poverty among the geo-political zones in Nigeria.

Table 4: Trends in Poverty Level by Geo-Political Zones in Nigeria (1980-2008) ZONE 1980 1985 1992 1996 2004 2008 South-South 13.2 45.7 40.8 58.3 35.1 31.5 South-East 12.9 30.4 41.0 53.5 26.7 26.7 South-West 13.4 38.6 43.1 60.9 43.0 43.1 North-Central 32.2 50.8 46.0 64.7 67.0 60.0 North-East 35.6 54.9 54.0 70.1 72.2 72.2 North-West 37.7 52.1 36.5 77.5 71.2 71.2

VOL.6,NO.1 31

Source: Author’s compilation from NBS and NAPEP1_.

From the table above, it is quite clear that the three northern geo- political zones, most especially the North-East that remains volatile, are rated high above every other zone in terms of the poverty rate. The above demonstrates how some northern political elites, with a token of money and religious identity, can manipulate and mobilize the masses toward violence.

Finally, the northern youths’ perceived sabotage by some of their political, economic and traditional elites in consolidating the Hausa – Fulani oligarchy account for some of the salient reasons for the post- electoral violence. That explains why some of the houses of some prominent northern elites were either vandalized or burnt. For instance, the burning of the family home of Vice-President Nnamdi Sambo in Tundun Wada, Zaria in Kaduna state; the torching of Emir’s palace in Kano and the residence of the Emir of Zazzau in Kaduna State. For the northern youths, it is a corruption for some of its elites to support a southern Christian president. This was attested by a northern intellectual elite, Is’haq Modibbo Kawu (2011:17), who said that the northern uprising was a rejection of a class project which unites the corruption of different segments of the ruling class: political, business and traditional.

Conclusion

Mainstream analysis of post-2011 electoral violence in Nigeria mainly focuses on state fragility and legal dimensions of the phenomenon, thereby neglecting the complicity of some of the northern political elites in fuelling the crisis and lack of fundamental social contract, ab initio in creating a strong state in a multiplicity of ethnic nationalities. In fact, these selfish ethno-religious politics and absence of social

VOL.6,NO.1 32 contract have plunged Nigeria into a Hobbesian jungle of “state of nature” where life is nasty, brutish and short as exemplified in the death of hundreds of Nigerians in post-election mayhem in northern Nigeria. Actually, there is a war of all ethnic nationalities on becoming the president of Nigeria. These destabilizing ethno-religious violence, zoning controversy, high culture of impunity, illegitimate Hausa- Fulani hegemony, sabotage, etc, in Nigeria as a whole, are functions of contextual social contract and political elite’s dynamics.

Nevertheless, observes of political events in Nigeria based on the map that appeared after the 2011 presidential election are worried that it was conspicuously voted along the North and South divide. This polarization constantly affects the unity of the country. Therefore, it logically follows that the wish of the majority expressed along ethno-religious and anti-state paradigm, within the multiplicity of religion, without recourse to the best, cannot lead, in all indices of democracy, to consolidation and unification of any country, hence, Nigeria being “trapped in disintegration”.

Although post-election crises are not unique to Nigeria, the magnitude and cruelty of human and material destruction threatened the corporate existence of Nigeria. Thus, urgent steps are needed to tackle the menace. First and perhaps most important, is the convocation of sovereign national conference as a viable option to address some of these imbalances in Nigeria. This conference will redefine as well as project a distinct, declared punishment for those who violate the code of mutual co-existence. Second, the Nigerian police and other law enforcement agencies should learn how to act on intelligence reports swiftly as those places had earlier been identified as likely trouble spots. Third, these post-election rioters should be made to be answerable to the law to solve the problem of culture of impunity in Nigeria.

VOL.6,NO.1 33 Certainly, there are some of Northern political elites who may like to reverse to the old order of answering born to rule and others are born to follow, by fuelling further political crisis. Therefore, appropriate punishment should be meted out to such political elites to serve as a deterrent to the remaining bad eggs because nobody should be above the law. One thing is only needed, the political will to carry out the letters of the law.

Endnote

1. NBS stands for National Bureau of Statistics and National Agency for Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP) in Nigeria

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