For policy makers and from an economic perspective, interstitial spaces are seen as areas ‘out of the market’ (Interview 03). So, their condition as empty, derelict, inert or simply undeveloped pertains to the lack of financial tools to integrate them to the urban fabric and planning regulations. It is also reinforced by the literature (Rodriguez and Winchester; Hidalgo, 2007) that classifies lands that cannot participate of the land market and so, become
‘wasted’ lands. Coincidentally, politicians and central authorities see these interstices as ‘wasted lands’ considering their impacts transforming the suburban landscape at different scales (Interview 33).
The perception of interstices as elements that do not contribute to market dynamics is also derived from their land capacity. Many interstitial spaces that can host workplaces, public amenities, recreational facilities, increase densities and improve housing standards but without development are seen as wasted and as evidence of economic stagnation. Interstitiality not only refers to large ‘empty’ lands but also areas of economic obsolescence such as industrial spaces or undensified residential areas. The aforementioned are the most ‘invisible’ interstices as they appear as densified but nevertheless
‘underused’. In this light, currently built-up spaces can also define a category of interstitiality based on its underused land capacity. These lands can also be subject to revamping policies although there is no framework, references and political background to address the reconversion of inner lands. In addition, institutional databases are still uncertain – above all in relation to property regimes, land sizes and infrastructure– and sensible to influences on information management (Interview 2).
161 Interstices as borderlands
Spatially speaking, interstitial spaces in Santiago are also seen as spatial disruptions of the urban fabric, specifically as internal borders between different urbanised areas. They are identified by practitioners and policy-makers as ‘urban moles’, ‘urban barriers’ or simply as ‘borders’ that make the city less efficient and more segregated (Interview 04). These ‘barriers’
are expressed by empty lands, heavy infrastructures and industrial facilities disintegrated from their surroundings (Interview 16)(Figure 14).
Figure 14.An infrastructural interstice between Cerrillos and Pedro Aguirre Cerda. This is a boundary area composed by a high-speed motorway, a railway line, derelict spaces, a
canal and electric lines (author’s photo. May 2014)
In the commune of Pedro Aguirre Cerda (PAC), for instance, several infrastructural interstices are just placed on its administrative boundaries – determined by regional motorways and buffers – that separate the commune from the rest of the metropolitan fabric. They emerge as physical divisions and restricted areas and although they represent metropolitan and regional advantages, they are perceived as negative because do not deliver continuous connections, pedestrian accessibility and benefits of near developments. A case in point is the mega-urban project known as ‘Ciudad Parque Bicentenario’ (CPB) [Bicentenary City Park] – located at the neighbouring commune of Cerrillos – that includes a metropolitan park, but
162 due to the presence of these regional infrastructures – Departamental Avenue, Carlos Baldovinos motorway and the Autopista Central– the commune has 4km of no connection. It means that they are physically adjacent but spatially and functionally delinked (Interview 34).
Interstitial spaces as borderlands also signify closed spaces – such as military facilities or rural lands with restricted access – that are somehow trapped within the urban fabric and without possibilities to be expanded or connected (Interview 12). In this light, it is possible to infer that interstitial spaces as boundaries describe diminished relationalities at local scales and thus, a functional dependency that rests on regional/metropolitan inputs rather than local (Interview 13). These interstitial spaces are also recognised as somehow depressed, with clear signs of functional obsolescence and tense coexistences with surroundings (Interview 19).
Reservoirs and opportunities
For local planners, developers and scholars, interstitial spaces appear as
‘opportunities’ to improve urban standards at different levels. Specifically, southern interstices represent an opportunity to change suburban trends driven by low-density neighbourhoods and low-income families, and thus, diversify socially homogeneous environments (Interview 22; Interview 21).
Similarly, they are also conceived as ‘reservoirs’ of space to improve living conditions based on better standards, workplaces and services. However, as suburban interstices and fringe/belt areas outside regulations their possible functions are again determined by housing demands (Rivera, 2012; Bosier, 2004; Steinberg, 2002). This are the cases of La Pintana or San Bernardo commune, for instance, included in the metropolitan plan (PRMS100)where the plan included geographical restrictions – such as the Chena hill– and industrial areas but rather than services they are ‘reservoir’ for future housing developments (Interview 26).
Functional obsolescence
For developers and planner, interstitial spaces are expressions of ‘functional obsolescence’. In some cases, it means ‘empty’ but in other refers to slightly
163 densified lands – such as former industrial facilities or neighbourhoods –that entered into obsolescence. These areas are recognised element of discontinuity and functional disrepair. This condition is exacerbated by the absence of regeneration policies that does not allow reconversions or implementation of alternative uses (Interview 23; Interview 56).
In a more socio-functional perspective, interstitial spaces can increase density, above all in depressed neighbourhoods in which social networks improve living conditions and because their obsolescence contribute to the general environmental deterioration. This is the case of Lo Espejo commune, for instance, that has historical neighbourhoods with strong restrictions for increasing density that enter into continuous economic depression near interstitial areas (Interview 28). It influences their demographic composition as there are no attractors for new population, or local population leave the area as they cannot locally build new houses. In this context, interstices are alternatives for densification but also – considering their emptiness – evidence of socio-economic and functional stagnation (Interview 54).
Uncertainty and contradiction
Although potentials, interstitial spaces are also perceived as uncertain scenarios for future developments, above all in socially depressed peripheral areas in which priorities are driven by demands on services and infrastructure. So, initiatives related to public venues, green spaces, services, security or housing developments well-provided of community spaces are not considered as structurally related to employment growth and functional efficiency and thus, remain undeveloped (Interview 53).
In addition, abandoned interstices can be informally occupied (Interview 47). In these cases, social encounters are driven by marginal groups or in other cases, massive celebrations such as musical gigs, sport or activities related to significant celebrations (Interview 49). This is the case of ‘La Platina’ site, for instance – that belongs to the Ministry of Agriculture – intended to develop agricultural research but currently underused and thus, perceived as an abandoned space that can host marginal activities (Figure
164 15). The area is also used as a park, a sporting pitch or as informal playground for children. This is an uncertain place because on the one hand, it is seen as positive for hosting recreational activities but on the other hand, it is also negative due to its marginality:
‘From here, it is possible to see the beautiful Andes Mountains. Also, on the 18th of September people come here to raise kites (…), so, it could be perfectly a park, you see? Do you think that if people appreciate how beautiful this place is they would throw out rubbish? (…) we would like to keep this open, with sport pitches, playgrounds, etc. It is so beautiful to see the mountains from here. That should be ideal for families and youth’ (Interview 49).
Figure 15.La Platina site at La Pintana. At the back there are the Andes Mountains. In the middle, there is the area for recreation. At the front, it is possible to see an informal shelter
and landfill (author’s photo, June 2014)
Aside from their potential as social venues, residents who live near these interstices describe them as ‘potreros’ [paddocks]. In Chile, it is a pejorative term for areas without value, sense of belonging and abandoned. As
‘potrero’, it is a place for anything and everything at the same time. So, these spaces are also ‘free spaces’, not properly ‘urban’ but also restricted and dangerous.
This stigma responds to the socio-economic profile of surroundings as residents perceive that in wealthy areas local authorities and neighbours do not allow their marginalisation and informal occupation. However, in
165 depressed areas it is assumed that people who live in social risk can tolerate deteriorated conditions of the urban space (Interview 50). In addition, poor residents assume that they cannot claim for security, cleaning or others as they are receiving public 'benefits'. Thus, interstitial spaces remain in a double condition as informal venues– with somehow positive connotations – but also marginalised spaces seen as negative for security and improvements of living conditions (Interview 47).
Healthy spaces
For scholars and consultants on issues of environmental sustainability, interstitial spaces of Santiago are ‘healthy spaces’. This definition emerges as a vision of empty areas as part of the necessary green infrastructure that ameliorates impacts of pollution and support the survival of natural landscapes. In this category, agricultural areas have a key role as they not only provide green spaces, clean air and quiet environments but also workplaces that reinforce local economies. These spaces are particularly located at La Pintana commune, recognised as the most fertile area in the whole metropolitan region (ODEPA, 2012; SINIA, 2012). These rural interstices are still functional elements, nevertheless tensioned by planning aimed to use them to address housing demands. These are the cases of La Platina site (Ministry of Agriculture), Campus Antumapu (Universidad de Chile), Tocornal and Concha y Toro vineyard, and the ‘Huertos Obreros y Familiares’ [Workers and Familial Orchards], all recognised as ‘foodscapes’
by NGOs, FAO and social organisations (Interview 45). These areas are also seen as expressions of ‘urban agriculture’ and cultural heritage related to historical practices in social housing (Catalán, Fernandez and Olea, 2013;
Roubelat and Armijo, 2012; Madaleno and Armijo, 2004; Gurovich, 2003;
Ravetz and Loibl, 2011).
Spaces of isolation
In a similar vein but more related to the values of the natural landscape, policy makers related to environmental issues see suburban interstices as places to be alone, isolated from the city but within the city (Interview 46).
As suburban, these interstices are privileged areas nearby services and transport and offer calm atmospheres for stress relief, social encounters, and
166 possibilities to get in touch with nature. These spaces are to be
‘disconnected’, strategically unlinked but nevertheless within the city (Interview 14). Apart from isolation, these interstices offer ‘life-experiences’ such as practicing sports, games and alternative leisure.
However, it is also recognised that these interstices deserve people’s empowerment, participation and institutional support to become proper
‘places’ provided with security and maintenance (Interview 36).
In the case of Campus Antumapu (Universidad de Chile) at La Pintana commune, for example, the area is defined by planners as an ‘urban opening’ that allows perceiving the landscape and also the city (at the back) that deliver a feeling of isolation but with a clear sense location and orientation (Interview 18). In the case of La Platina– also in La Pintana commune – the space is literally described by residents as a piece of countryside within the city that allows the experience of ‘rurality’.
Surrounding neighbourhoods also obtain beautiful views of the mountains that according to local residents can easily be compared with traditional
‘postcards’. Referring to La Platina site, for instance, local residents describe the place as a unique atmosphere:
‘I love the countryside! and this evokes the countryside. If you walk to that direction, you can see the mountains. This is not common to see from other areas of Santiago. You can perceive the Andes much better. Indeed, yesterday was snowing and all children were playing in the place. We can see them playing until the last border, on the other side of the site’ (Interview 50) (see Figure 15).
As seen, Santiago’s interstices are perceived and defined in different ways.
Nevertheless, they still host an ambiguous connotation as negative/positive determined by their environmental properties but also their marginal conditions. In this vein, the revision of their impacts appear as relevant for a better understanding of their nature and place in the suburban transformation.