As a result of the pressure for Chongqing to conform to the CCP centre, the editors of the New China Daily used the paper to teach Marxism. One early article equated Marx and Sun Yat-sen: “The dream of the visionary talent Marx was first realised by Mr. Sun Yat-sen during the 1911 Revolution, with the founding of the Republic of China”.127 Sun Yat-sen was a particularly
important figure in the New China Daily, even more so than in other CCP papers, because of his importance to the Nationalist Party. The CCP’s use of Sun served the dual and
contradictory purposes of both acknowledging the official leadership of the Nationalist Party in the Second United Front and contesting that leadership. Equating Sun’s struggle with Marxist theory was one way of accomplishing the latter goal. A 1939 article in the New China Daily by Wu Min 吴敏 (d.u.) explained Marx’s theories more clearly:
127 “Jinian Makesi he Sun Zhongshan 纪念马克思和孙中山 [Remembering Marx and Sun Yat-sen]”, Xin
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The 1911 Revolution proves that the Marxist-Leninist theory of the development of revolutions is completely correct. According to Marxist-Leninist theory, when the productive forces and the relationships of production come into conflict, which is to say when the relationships of production inhibit the development of the forces of production, a revolution will occur…. One notable fact can show all his very clearly. The event that directly instigated the 1911 Revolution is known historically as the Railway Protection Movement,128 which was where the Manchu Qing government
wanted to sell the rights to build and manage railways to imperialism, but the Chinese national bourgeoisie fought for these rights. This is a clear example of the
contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of production. These basic facts determined the historical significance and course of the 1911 Revolution.129
Pressured to follow what the editors interpreted as the will of the CCP centre, the editors in Chongqing used history to teach Marxism in the heart of Nationalist power.
Among the pressures to conform faced by the editors in Chongqing was the pressure to learn and use Mao’s master narrative of history. Before 1943, Mao had neither thoroughly defined Mao Zedong Thought nor spread his master narrative of history, but some did attempt to follow his early writings. In 1938 Zhou Enlai 周恩来 (1898-1976)130 wrote that, “Mr. Sun was
the leader of the Chinese citizens’ revolution, and his important revolutionary activities were to incite the masses and establish revolutionary armed power, and to bring together these two forces to reach the goals of the revolution. During Mr Sun’s revolutionary movement to topple
128 The Railway Protection Movement (Zheng lu yundong 争路运动) is one name for a protest in Sichuan
over the takeover then sale of a privately-owned railway to foreign interests by the Qing dynasty. The protest was large enough that the Qing court decided to send several regiments of the Wuchang Garrison to Sichuan, which is why the Wuchang Garrison was undermanned at the time of the Wuchang Uprising.
129 Wu Min, “Lun Xinhai Geming de ji ge jiaoxun 论辛亥革命的几个教训 [On a Few Lessons from the
1911 Revolution]”, Xin Hua ribao 10 October 1939, 4.
130 Zhou Enlai was an early CCP leader and ally of Mao after 1935. He was the long tenured Premier of
the PRC after 1949, playing an important role in PRC domestic and foreign policy even when not holding office.
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the Manchu Qing, the revolutionary party’s method was to unite with the secret societies and mobilise the armies”.131 Zhou’s editorial lacked the refined phrasing of later works of history,
but it shows that there were those who were closely following the creation of Mao’s master narrative, and who supported Mao’s leadership by following Mao’s use of the United Front in historical narratives.
Another article, attributed to the CCP Centre, used Mao’s periodisation to explain history:
Because of the growth of new international and domestic factors [since the 1911 Revolution] (like the victory of the Soviet Union’s socialist revolution, and the new stage of China’s national capital and proletariat clearly opposing imperialism and the feudal system), the Chinese people’s national democratic struggle has gone on to produce the May Fourth Movement, the establishment of the CCP, the reformation of the Nationalist Party, the Nationalist-CCP United Front, Mr. Sun Yat-sen’s three policies, the revolutionary Northern Expedition war, XX’s heroic struggle,132 and now
today’s great national War against Japan and the Anti-Japanese national United Front. The Chinese people are following the path of the 1911 Revolution.133
According to the article, China entered a new phase in its revolution due to the Soviet Revolution. The 1911 Revolution remained outside of the period of New Democracy and the United Front. This formulation periodised modern Chinese history using the same standards as Mao and therefore supported his master narrative of history and his leadership.
The other pressure faced by the editors of the New China Daily in Chongqing was to show a
131 Zhou Enlai, “Zenyang jinian Sun xiansheng de weida 怎样纪念孙先生的伟大 [How to Remember Mr.
Sun’s Greatness]”, Xin Hua ribao 12 March 1938, 4.
132 XX marks in the original. The XX likely refers to the First Civil War or Long March and was removed
due to censorship or self-censorship of the history of Nationalist Party-CCP conflicts.
133 Zhong Gong Zhongyang 中共中央 [CCP Centre], “Zhong Gong zhongyang guanyu jinian jinnian
Shuangshijie de jueding 中共中央关于纪念今年双十节的决定 [The CCP Centre’s Decision Concerning This Year’s Double Ten Day Commemoration]”, Xin Hua ribao 10 October 1941, 3.
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degree of flexibility in theory, and independence from the CCP centre. The editors of the New China Daily managed this by adding local flavour to the news and by using local events and history to argue their points. The localisation of content was a policy implemented throughout CCP base areas to help convince the unaffiliated or wavering local populations to look more favourably upon the CCP. The frequent use of the figure of Sun Yat-sen was a part of this localisation in Chongqing. The New China Daily praised him often and enthusiastically:
We remember President [Sun’s] example, the president’s uncompromising spirit and revolutionary credentials, and his martyr’s struggle for the nation and the country. The President experienced eleven failed uprisings and thirty years of exile before finally succeeding effortlessly in the 1911 Revolution, creating the Republic of China. Such great revolutionary credentials! In our fight against Japan today, if every compatriot and comrade followed the President’s example of utmost fortitude and indomitable spirit, then how could the crisis end without expelling the bandits and rejuvenating the nation?134
The mention of Sun Yat-sen in this article served the dual purposes of expressing allegiance to the United Front and the Nationalist Party, while implicitly criticising the Nationalist Party for not living up to Sun’s example.
Writers in Chongqing also used local news to gain sympathy from local populations. After the Nationalist Party’s victory in the October 1939, Battle of Changsha that halted the Japanese advance towards Chongqing, Wu Yuzhang wrote in the 10 October edition of the New China Daily:
The great victory in Changsha these past few days and the decision announced last
134 “Jinian Zhongshan xiansheng shishi, gonggu tuanjie kangzhan daodi 纪念中山先生逝世巩固团结抗
战到底 [Commemorating Mr. Sun Yat-sen’s passing, Consolidate Unity in the War of Resistance to the End]”, Xin Hua ribao 12 March 1938, 2.
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month in the Fourth Congress of the [First] Citizens’ Assembly135 to implement
constitutional government are this years’ two great gifts to commemorate National Day…. The goal of the 1911 Revolution was to achieve the goals of Tridemism, national independence, political freedom and people’s prosperity. Only by expelling the Japanese bandits from China can we seek national independence, only by implementing a constitutional government can we seek political freedom, and only then can we seek people’s prosperity.136
The CCP’s publications in Yan’an did not cover events like the battle for Changsha, or the meetings of the Citizens’ Assembly, in the same way, because they were not as relevant to the people there. The CCP in Yan’an celebrated the 10 October 1939 National Day with references to the 1911 Revolution in the publications there as well, but made no reference to the battle of Changsha or the Citizens’ Assembly. The CCP tailored its message to its various audiences, highlighting its policy of using local content and its willingness to compromise with other revolutionaries.