In addition to the factors that can affect aspiration identified in Section 3.3, there are other Bourdieusian-related notions and concepts of aspiration. These will now be discussed and this section will provide links between habitus, aspirations and habitus transformation. Gale and Parker (2015b) highlighted that, like Appadurai (2004), Bourdieu saw aspiration as a cultural entity, or capacity. However, Appadurai (2004) discussed this in relation to aspirations as a navigational capacity, where it is important to take into account the cultural capacity developed from past experiences that can be used to navigate future experiences. Gale and Parker (2015b) note, however, that with these navigational capacities, it is important to consider an individual’s position within their
field, as described above. This could mean that some working class young people are able
to use this navigational capacity to develop their dispositions, thoughts and actions to modify or transform their habitus. It is important to highlight that not all young people may be able to do this because of barriers, constraints, truncated opportunities and unequal access to resources.
Moreover, Appadurai (2004) noted that the ability to use this navigational capacity to look to the future is dependent on the economic, cultural and social resources that an individual has access to; and, that individuals have unequal access to these resources depending on their socioeconomic status. Appadurai (2004) commented that this is a particular issue for the working classes. Indeed, Zipin et al. (2015) commented that with the increasing marketization of public services in a neoliberal world, resources are being redistributing upwards creating a more powerful dominant class, resulting in those who are left behind being seen as deficit and having poverty of aspiration. This is where the role of key adults and partners who work with young people are important, for example, teachers and careers service workers who can facilitate young people gaining access and availability to resources, and provide opportunities, that could help them develop their dispositions (their thoughts, actions, values, preconceived ideas, for example). Such opportunities could include work experience, visits to colleges or universities and
mentoring, in addition to well-formed vocational programmes to help young people develop their navigational capacity and to ultimately realise their aspirations. Gale and Parker (2015b) stated that aspirational differences between socioeconomic groups are related to the cultural resources that can be accessed and utilised by a particular group. As will be seen in the discussion, the participants in this study do not have poverty of aspiration. Moreover, Zipin et al. (2015) stated that with increasing neoliberal influence on policy, raising aspirations could be seen as a way to increase productivity and competitiveness, in terms of navigation of aspirations through providing young people with suitable map and tour knowledge, as discussed earlier.
Holland, Reynolds and Weller (2007) suggested that young people use the resources that are available to them, through social networks for example, to form their aspirations and aid in their transition between school and their post-16 destination. However, this may not always be the case, as those young people from Ball et al.’s (1999) group two or three will not have access to these networks of support. The JRF commissioned a study looking at the impact and importance of mentoring, where Cummings et al. (2012) suggested that inspirational mentors who come from organisations or are social entrepreneurs give disadvantaged young people the opportunity transform their lives and nurture their aspirations: this is similar to the MCR mentoring mentioned earlier. Furthermore Creegan (2008) reiterated a concern first highlighted by Joseph Rowntree last century; that philanthropic efforts are all very well, however they do not get to the cause of truncated opportunities. Philanthropic efforts alleviate the symptoms of poverty, disadvantage and lost opportunities but neglect to get to the cause of the issues.
Stahl (2015b) promoted an egalitarian counter-habitus amongst working class individuals (boys) that allows them to fit in to their field. Stahl (2015b) described an internal process that occurs within individuals to allow them modify their dispositions so that they see value in a neoliberal world; that is they will modify the way they think, act and behave. This egalitarian counter-habitus, according to Stahl (2015b) is related to the ‘sameness and ordinariness’ (p. 28) that everyone is viewed as having, a kind of ‘working-
class morality of honour’ (p. 28), and loyalty to one’s self. Therefore, the egalitarian counter-habitus is then viewed as the coming together of the neoliberal and dominant view
of education and working-class values. With reference to working class young people, Stahl (2015b) stated that their habitus needs to be transformed to bind or align with middle class contexts and that this could also contribute towards the upward social mobility of working class young people. The difficulty for working class young people is perhaps
reflected in the stalling or decline in upward mobility as suggested by some research. Stahl (2015b) highlighted that in order for working class young people to transform their
habitus they need to be willing to accept new messages (about aspirations). These new
messages could be information, experiences and opportunities in relation to different post- 16 destinations and are considered in Chapter Six: Discussion. This transformed habitus is, according to Stahl (2015b) a combination of the original habitus developed through the family and the community and a new habitus composed of these new messages. It is, however, important to acknowledge the challenges, obstacles and barriers some young people may face, as highlighted through this dissertation, and that this habitus transformation is easier for some young people are more difficult for others.