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In document Historia de la lengua Griega (página 53-57)

During the 1950s, most of the then small number of university campuses had a student press. These campus publications existed alongside publications associated with all the major mass student organisations (Siregar 1983, 37-41). The student press of the early

to mid 1950s enjoyed considerable freedom (Supriyanto 1998, 70) and this period also saw the establishment of the first student press and student journalists’ associations.2 Under Guided Democracy, however, this freedom was curtailed by the strict controls put in place on the press, including the student press.

The events of 30 September 1965 led to the closure of around thirty national level publications considered sympathetic to the PKI and the Guided Democracy regime. These bannings created space for what Raillon refers to as the ‘Angkatan 66’ (Generation of 66) press to emerge (Raillon 1985, 20). During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the student press was actively engaged in the debates surrounding the formation and consolidation of the ‘new order’ (Raillon 1985; see also Supriyanto 1998, 71). In June 1966 Harian Kami was established, followed by the West Java edition of

Mahasiswa Indonesia in July 1966 (Raillon 1985, 21-2). These two publications were published by independent bodies affiliated with the Indonesian Student Press Association (Ikatan Pers Mahasiswa Indonesia, IPMI) and were based outside the campuses (Siregar 1983, 47 and 61).3 Campus-based publications also re-emerged at this time including Campus (later renamed Kampus), published by Institut Teknologi Bandung’s student council from February 1968, and Muhibbah published by Universitas Islam Indonesia in Yogyakarta from March 1967 and later continued as

Himmah.

After 1971 however, the student press experienced a decline. From this time, publications such as Harian Kami were forced to reclassify themselves as ‘general press’ (pers umum) and compete with commercial publications (Supriyanto 1998, 75-6; Siregar 1983, 53). In addition, the increasingly critical stance of many publications towards the New Order government after 1971 meant that they occupied a precarious position (Raillon 1985, 90; Supriyanto 1998, 71). In the period immediately following the Malari riots, the government closed a number of newspapers and magazines,

2

The Indonesian Student Journalists Association (Ikatan Wartawan Mahasiswa Indonesia, IWMI) and the Indonesian Student Press Union (Serikat Pers Mahasiswa Indonesia, SPMI) were established in August 1955. In 1958 IWMI and SPMI were fused into the Indonesian Student Press Association (Ikatan Pers Mahasiswa Indonesia, IPMI) (Siregar 1983, 41-2 and 44).

3

At its peak in 1966-67 the circulation of Harian KAMI was 70 000 copies, the largest of any newspaper in Indonesia at the time (Siregar 1983, 101). In addition to its Jakarta based daily, Harian Kami was also associated with a number of weekly publications based in other regions, including the Makassar-based

Mingguan Kami established at the end of 1966, and two other papers of the same name set up in 1968 and based in Pontianak, West Kalimantan and Surabaya, Central Java. Mimbar Demokrasi, established in September 1966, was based in Bandung, Malang’s Gelora Mahasiswa Indonesia began publication in 1967 and Mimbar Mahasiswa based in Banjarmasin,was published from 1968 (Siregar 1983, 47).

including Harian Kami and Mahasiswa Indonesia (Raillon 1985, 113; Siregar 1983, 54; Supriyanto 1998, 72).4 In November 1975 the Minister of Information Mashuri released a new set of regulations on ‘special publications’ (penerbitan khusus). The new regulations deemed that publications such as those published by the student councils were for limited consumption and could not publish material which dealt with ‘practical politics’. All special publications had to obtain a Certificate of Registration (Surat Tanda Terdaftar, STT) from the Minister of Information (Siregar 1983, 100 and 136-41). As a result of these regulations, the student press languished and it was not until the mid 1970s that new publications began to emerge.

The student publications of the mid to late 1970s were campus-based publications, usually managed under the auspices of the student councils. Among the largest and most significant publications of the period were Gelora Mahasiswa, published at Universitas Gadjah Mada, Salemba (Universitas Indonesia), and Kampus (Institut Teknologi Bandung).5 At their peak in 1978, Salemba and Kampus had a circulation of 30 000 while Gelora Mahasiswa’s circulation remained consistent at 16 000 (Siregar 1983, 101).6 Salemba, Kampus and, after 1978, Gelora Mahasiswa were also circulated outside of their home campuses, giving them a wider significance in the Indonesian student community (Siregar 1983, 101).7 Unlike other student publications, these three newspapers were published on a regular basis, primarily due to the subsidies they received from their home universities.

The first issue of Gelora Mahasiswa (Students’ Passion) went to print in May 1974. It was published monthly in tabloid form by the publications unit of Universitas Gadjah Mada’s student council and usually ran to between 10 and 12 pages.8 A message in

Gelora Mahasiswa’s inaugural edition expressed the hope that the newspaper would ‘encourage students as members of the campus community to hold in high esteem the name of the alma mater and to cultivate the unity, oneness and family atmosphere (kekeluargaan) of the campus’ (Gelora Mahasiswa May 1974). The newspaper was also to function as a ‘media for the presentation of academic writing by students and

4

These included Mahasiswa Indonesia and Nusantara (15 January), Harian Kami, Indonesia Raya,

Abadi and the Jakarta Times (21 January), and Pedoman and Ekspres (23 January) (Raillon 1985, 113).

5

Other publications of this period include Mimbar (Universitas Brawidjaya, Malang), Derap Mahasiswa

(IKIP Negeri Yogyakarta) and Identitas (Universitas Hasannudin, Makassar) (Dhakidae 1977, 63).

6

The actual readership would have been larger than these figures indicate since newspapers and magazines were often passed on to others to read (Dari Kampus 1979, 33; see also Supriyanto 1998, 114).

7

See Dari Kampus (1979, 35) for Salemba’s circulation within and outside Jakarta.

8

other members of the university community as well as for the expression of opinion’ (Gelora Mahasiswa May 1974).9

Salemba’s first edition was published two years later, on 14 January 1976. According to theinaugural editorial, the name Salemba was chosen:

…based on romanticism, that the role of the UI [Universitas Indonesia] campus which was originally located in Salemba had made an important contribution to the struggle of the Indonesian nation. It was felt that the romanticism of this historical struggle needed to be eternalised (Salemba 14 January 1976, cited in Dhakidae 1977, 63 and Dari Kampus 1979, 43).10

The 8-page tabloid, which was published fortnightly, aimed, according to a booklet commemorating its three year anniversary, to facilitate communication between members of the academic community and to accommodate the opinions and ideas of students and the broader campus community (Dari kampus 1979, 23-24).11 As a media of ‘people of analysis’, Salemba aimed to provide ‘objective information’ in order to ‘support the analytical abilities of the campus community’. It was also intended to accommodate students’ interest in the field of journalism, to develop their ability to express their ideas in a systematic and analytical way and to offer students a place to practice organisational and leadership skills (Dari kampus 1979, 23-24).

The bulk of both newspapers consisted of news items and feature articles which covered a broad range of topics including politics, the economy and development, society, culture and the arts as well as issues affecting the university and the higher education sector in general. The main news items were often based on interviews with student leaders or key public figures. Opinion pieces were generally contributed by students

9

Gelora Mahasiswa featured a number of regular sections including an editorial, cartoons, a pojok

(corner column) entitled Interupsi!!, Etalase (‘Shop Window’), as well as readers’ letters, an information column for students, and readers’ poems. For an explanation of pojok see the section ‘Irony and identity’ below.

10

…berdasarkan romantisme, bahwa peranan kampus UI yang pada awalnya terletak di Salemba telah memberikan catatan-catatan penting bagi perjuangan bangsa Indonesia. Romantisme juang yang historis itu rasanya perlu diabadikan (Salemba 14 January 1976, cited in Dhakidae 1977, 63 and Dari kampus 1979, 43).

11

In addition to its main news items and feature articles, Salemba regularly featured a number of other sections. These included Apokromat, a profile of public personalities, editorials (Induk Karangan and

Surat dari Salemba 4), a pojok (corner-column) entitled Senggol (Nudge or Bump), cartoons, and readers’ letters.

associated with the newspaper or the university although student journalists occasionally wrote for publications other than that of their home campus.

In the lead-up to the 1977 elections, reporting and opinion in the student press became increasingly political. Universitas Indonesia sociology student and a contributor to

Salemba Tonny Ardie’s content analysis of Salemba during 1976 found that just under one quarter of articles, editorials, and other features dealt with political issues (Dari kampus 1979, 37-42). During the second half of 1977, however, this figure had increased to just over 40 per cent. For Gelora Mahasiswa the figure was around 25 per cent (Siregar 1983, 71).12 The increasingly political orientation of the student press at this time reflected the fact that the student councils responsible for organising the protests also managed many of the campus publications (Supriyanto 1998, 78).13

In the month leading up to the 1978 MPR Session a number of student newspapers were closed (Supriyanto 1998, 74).14 Following the Kopkamtib freeze on all student council activities in January 1978, Salemba’s publication license was revoked in February 1978 and Gelora Mahasiswa was closed by Universitas Gadjah Mada Rector Sukadji Ranuwihardjo soon after (Salemba 20 October 1979). In June 1978, however, with Suharto’s presidency ratified for a third term, Salemba’s publishing license was reinstated and in September Gelora Mahasiswa was again permitted to publish. Under the NKK/BKK policy, responsibility for student and campus publications was shifted from the disbanded student councils to the new ‘campus coordination bodies’. During the transition to the new structure, however, the student presses at Universitas Indonesia, Universitas Gadjah Mada and Institut Teknologi Bandung were able to retain a degree of independence because of the support of the university rectors (Supriyanto 1998, 77-8; Salemba 20 October 1979).

12

Daniel Dhakidae (1977, 65) also conducted a content analysis of Salemba and Gelora Mahasiswa. Although the three analyses vary, they nevertheless indicate an increase in reporting on political issues during 1977.

13

The political orientation of the student press at this time led Dhakidae to conclude that, ‘…student publications are journals of opinion, and not news bulletins (koran berita). What they show is [students’] ideological perspective [and] their political outlook’ (1977, 68). Dhakidae also writes that ‘Within university campuses there has developed what is called adversary journalism … The campus press is a guard dog who observes political events and then brings them to [the attention of] wider society, highlighting the adversarial and oppositional aspects’ (Dhakidae 1977, 67).

14

A number of other newspapers and weeklies including Kompas, Sinar Harapan, Merdeka, Indonesia Times, Sinar Pagi, Pelita and Tempo were also closed at this time (Supriyanto 1998, 78).

This situation did not last long. In September 1979, only a year after it had been allowed to republish, Gelora Mahasiswa was again closed. According to Universitas Gadjah Mada’s rector Sukadji Ranuwihardjo, despite warnings, the newspaper had continued to ‘confuse (mengacaukan) editorial opinion with facts’ (Salemba 20 October 1979).15 On other campuses, the student newspapers’ reporting of the trials of the student activists arrested in 1977 and 1978 together with their criticism of the NKK/BKK policy and of the Minister of Education and Culture himself, led the Department of Information to revoke their publishing licenses. Kampus was prohibited from publishing in April 1980 and Salemba in May 1980 (Supriyanto 1998, 79).16

In document Historia de la lengua Griega (página 53-57)

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