Bases teóricas generales

Foundational literature on professionalizing the ABE field has also presented a

range of disadvantages mostly linked to systems of credentialing. Collins (1992) and

James (1981) highlighted these difficulties with standardization of hiring requirements.

Their ontological orientation is that high quality teaching involves a diverse teacher

workforce in a variety of programming, where the notion of quality of instruction is

epistemology, knowledge is delivered through multiple sources and constructed through

innovative and creative processes.

The main argument presented by Collins (1992) and James (1981) is that

credentialing is restrictive to teacher and program diversity. Specifically, standardization

of credentialing is not practical due to the diversity of adult literacy staff. Depending on

the type of organization, adult literacy practitioners can be part-time, volunteer, or

located in rural areas without access to credentialing programs (Collins, 1992; James,

1981).

Thus, the distinct nature of the adult literacy practitioner may be lost when

competent, unlicensed staff or those with more informal teacher preparation are restricted

from being hired or are eliminated (Sabatini, Ginsburg, & Russell, 2002). For example,

Sabatini, Ginsburg, and Russell (2002) found that staff with an emic perspective of

communities, such as some part time staff and volunteers are often eliminated or

restricted from positions, thereby limiting access to the opportunity to improve instruction with local knowledge of the facility’s clientele. Sabatini, Ginsburg, and

Russell (2002) then extended this claim, indicating that a focus on credentialing places

key stakeholders in the field of ABE in jeopardy, as staff recruited by community-based

programs may not have the educational background to attain a credential. Programs

managed by part-time staff and volunteers also may not have the incentive to engage in

Collins (1992) and James (1981) also argued that when ABE is part of the K-12

system, hiring may favor those with a K-12 license over those with an ABE credential,

thereby placing a limitation on hiring and limiting the diversity of the teacher workforce.

When there is alignment of ABE with the K-12 system, several concerns about

implementation of systems that impact the validity of adult literacy practices emerge.

The most prevalent and relevant to professionalization is the mechanism put in place to

establish a valid adult credential. Tests, such as the GED, are benchmarked against

secondary curriculum standards. Sabatini, Ginsburg, and Russell (2002) argued that the

credential in this sense impacts the validity of adult literacy instructional practices, as

these curriculum standards may not be relevant to the literacy learning needs of adult

learners in unique communities.

Literature presenting dissenting views on professionalization are also of the

critical inquiry paradigm where challenges in the profession are shaped by social,

political, cultural, and economic values (Guba & Lincoln, 1998). Formal knowledge is

controlled, created, and disseminated by oppressive societal systems (Cervero, 1989).

These systems determine which knowledge is deemed worthy of knowing, lessening

control teachers have over their autonomy and accountability (Rocco, 2009).

When institutional agendas do not align with those of the instructors or clients,

there is an exclusionary aspect of professionalization, which Markowitz and Tice (2002) termed a paradox of professionalization. In their study on women’s activist

organizations, they found that on the one hand, a field can become legitimate in

professionalization of organizations. On the other hand, efforts toward

professionalization have “frequently contributed to the persistence or creation of social

hierarchies within and between…organizations, as well as subversion—or more

generously—a reorientation of…agendas and strategies” (p. 954). This reiterates Sabatini, Ginsburg, and Russell (2002) as well as Perin’s (1999) claim that there are key

stakeholders (i.e., community-based staff, volunteers, and part-time instructors) that are

invariably excluded from participation in professionalization opportunities due to their

employment status and prior education. These authors also argued that there are also

adult literacy students who may not benefit from the teaching strategies promoted in

credentialing and professional development controlled by the government and state

agencies, creating a monopoly.

Working conditions created by government or state agency control have been

noted by Johnson et al. (2010) as requiring systemic change to be properly addressed.

This appears to be an insurmountable endeavor to undertake, as arguments against

licensure have included the administrative convenience of hiring part-time elementary or

secondary school teachers (ABE Network News, 1978; Hanson & Bryant, 2005).

Moreover, health and retirement benefits for contracted teachers meant incurring

additional expenses for the school district when ABE licensure was introduced in Saint

Paul (Hanson & Bryant, 2005), creating conditions where few contract positions are available. This reflects competition among professionals over “power, status, and

Furthermore, opponents of professionalization cite the same adult learning

assumptions as reasons to resist standardization of instructional practices because

mandates for initial and sustained education are issued by outside forces (Rocco, 2009).

The assumption that professionals are self-directed learners, for instance, is challenged

when institutions enforce standards for professional accountability, reducing the

autonomy of teachers to pursue continuing education as they see fit (Ohliger, 1978). This

body of literature in the critical science tradition does not view competence as the

problem, rather the problem resides in the societal systems (including organizations) that

create conditions where the professional has no control or influence over the development

of their expertise (Cervero, 1989).