The major sources of information about Eyak are the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155) and, the University of Southern Alabama studies. Each of these directly address Native populations in Cordova that we assume are mostly Eyaks. At the time of the EVOS, Eyak Natives lived within the community of Cordova or near its boundaries.
Geographic Location and Infrastructure. Eyak village is about 6 miles along the Copper River highway from the community of Cordova. The village is not necessarily the place of residence for most Eyaks (cf. Reynolds 1993). Eyaks are defined more by their cultural identity and ways of life than by residence in the Village (cf. Reynolds 1993).
Demography. According to Reynolds (1993) the Native population of Eyak is “heterogeneous” consisting of Eyaks, Aleuts, Eskimos, and other non-Alaska Native populations. The majority of the Native population is Eyak. Reynolds cites a population of 397 in 1985 and 265 in 1991. (The population estimates for Eyak are difficult to construct. Alaska Natives from other nearby communities (e.g., Tatitlek and Chenega Bay) and other Native Americans live in the environs of Cordova and may contribute to confusion about population estimates. The population Reynolds (1993) reports indicates a decline between 1985 and 1991. This could be the result of numerous factors, including counting errors, out-migration of non-Eyaks to their own villages post-spill, or seasonal residence patterns. Any
interpretation of this population decline as related to the EVOS would require further investigation.) Economy. This is a mixed cash and subsistence economy. The Eyak Corporation develops resources that provide an important source of cash income. Other sources are commercial fishing and non-fishing employment.
Political Structure. There is a Village Corporation and a Village Council for Eyak.
MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155). Data could only be collected about social and cultural concerns of Eyaks because of pending litigation against Exxon. Exxon did not recognize Eyaks as a Native entity. Services and resources provided to other villages such as Tatitlek and Chenega Bay were not provided to Eyak. Villagers also felt slighted by the limited attention given them by the Federal Government during the oil spill.
Exxon/VECO overwhelmed the Eyaks. Office space was consumed and the Eyak offices had to be relocated because they could not find other affordable space. Eyaks were especially concerned about the safety of subsistence foods, the loss of subsistence practices, adverse health effects from working on the cleanup, and the trespass of cleanup workers on sites with cultural, historical, and archaeological importance to the tribe.
Subsistence is an essential part of Eyak cultural identity. Subsistence practices reinforce social bonds, express Native values and beliefs, and organize many aspects of social life for Natives. Subsistence resources were damaged by the spill and despite assurances from state, federal, and Exxon sources, Natives were unsure about the safety of eating resources exposed to oil contamination. Oiling of resources also disrupted sharing with other villages, especially Tatitlek and Chenega Bay. Overall sharing of resources declined as a result of the EVOS. The disruption of sharing had adverse effects on social relationships with family and neighbors. Social bonds were loosened as a result of the lack of sharing. Damages to subsistence practices and the harvesting of subsistence foods had adverse effects on the cultural identity of villagers. The spiritual values associated with these resources were damaged and along with it the identity of villagers. The interconnections among subsistence resources, social life, community, and the environment were damaged in a way that harmed the Eyak way of life. People also lost confidence in the future of the environment to recover from the effects of the spilled oil.
University of Southern Alabama. Dyer, Gill, and Picou (1992) and Gill and Picou (1997) are the major sources that report on Natives in the community of Cordova that we assume are Eyak or other Alaska Natives. Dyer, Gill, and Picou (1992) report on a sub-sample of 31 Natives from their Cordova survey. Three areas are examined. The first, “perceptions and behaviors of disruption” (1993: 115) indicates that the majority of respondents were upset and distressed by the EVOS and uncertain about its current and future effects. The second area measured natural resource disruptions (1993:117), indicates that the majority of respondents (58%) were concerned about the disruption of children’s opportunities to participate in and learn subsistence skills. A majority of respondents (61%) were also not satisfied with their children’s opportunities to continue their cultural traditions after the EVOS. Similarly, the majority of respondents (61%) were not hopeful that subsistence fishing would return to pre-spill levels and (61%) agreed that the EVOS would interfere with teaching subsistence skills to children. For the third area, perceptions of social disruption (1993:118), 1989 and 1990 responses to questions were compared. Responses suggest that between 1989 and 1990 respondents changed perceptions about family disruption with more agreeing that 1989 was worse than 1990. Similarly, in 1989 more agreed that their plans for the future had changed than in 1990. Work life plans showed that 50% agreed that their work life changed in 1989 but only 3% in 1990. However, 3% believed Cordova had changed in 1989 whereas 75% believed it had changed by 1990. Results are interpreted as suggesting social disruption and a disruption of the traditional lifestyles among Cordova Natives.
Gill and Picou (1997) summarize some of the findings from MMS/ADF&G (TR 160), the Oiled Mayors Study, and the MMS Social Indicators Study (TR 155), studies regarding impacts to Native populations. They report on measurements of chronic stress using the Impacts of Events Scale (Gill and Picou 1997:180) administered during 1991 and 1992. In comparison to commercial fishers, Alaska Natives show higher measures of “intrusive recollections” and “avoidance behavior” in 1991, but only higher
“intrusive recollections” in 1992. They also report on findings regarding social disruption for 1989-1992 that suggests a pattern of social disruption among Alaska Natives in Cordova. They also report that claims against Exxon for damages to Native culture and lifestyle were reject I litigation because of the specifics of maritime law that govern these types of torts. This rejection was a further adverse impact of the EVOS on Alaska Natives.