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The concept of achieving the ‘critical mass’ is common across the majority of indigenous psychology scholars. Despite this, there is very little discussion regarding how the concept of the critical mass is understood and applied within the indigenous psychology field. For example, what is meant by critical mass? Is there a certain number which constitutes the critical mass? What happens when

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the critical mass is realised? Although the concept has not been widely explored within the indigenous psychology field, other disciplines have critiqued critical mass theory in relation to minority group participation. This section draws on literature sources from the disciplines of political science and management to better understand how the concept of critical mass is relevant to indigenous psychology development.

The concept of critical mass theory has its origins in the field of physics where it is defined as the ‘minimum amount of fissile material needed to maintain a nuclear chain reaction’ (Compact Oxford Online Dictionary, n.d.). In recent years the concept of critical mass has gained popularity in the social science field, particularly in relation to the area of equal opportunities where, drawing on its physics origins, it has come to mean ‘the minimum amount of resources required to start or maintain a venture’ (Compact Oxford Online Dictionary, n.d.). According Studlar and McAllister (2002) the concept of critical mass refers to a threshold beyond which accelerated changes in behaviour occur via a chain reaction.

The contrast between accelerated change and incremental change is central to critical mass theory (Studlar & McAllister, 2002). The concept of accelerated change is also known as the tipping point. It is the critical level when the snowball becomes the avalanche (Gladwell, 2000; Ibrahim, 2001). Sociologists first used the term in the 1970s to describe the movement of white people in the United States from the older cities to the suburbs. Sociologists found that when the number of incoming African Americans reached a certain level, the community would ‘tip’, with the majority of remaining white people leaving almost immediately (Gladwell, 2000). The concept of the tipping point has been used in areas as diverse as epidemiology, medicine, crime rates and marketing (Gladwell, 2000). Gladwell (2000) described the tipping point as “the moment of critical mass, the threshold or the boiling point” (p. 12).

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Critical mass theories have been particularly prevalent in the field of political science where they have been used to explore issues regarding minority group representation within governments. In relation to increasing the participation of women within government, it has been proposed that achieving the critical mass of women would result in an increase of female members. As participation by women increased and became the norm, it would becoming self-sustaining as more candidates stepped forward to participate (Studlar & McAllister, 2002). In the context of bilingualism, Linton (2004) described the critical mass as when enough people take the same action. Implicit in critical mass and tipping models is the idea that although individuals have different preferences, when enough people take the same action, their collective choice becomes part of the context within which others make their choices (Linton, 2004). When a critical mass is reached it can exert its own effect, independent of other contextual factors (Linton, 2004). This is because the presence of a certain number of other people who make a particular choice acts as an incentive for other individuals to make that same choice (Linton, 2004).

Several scholars have attempted to calculate the number that constitutes the critical mass. Studlar and McAllister (2002) cited Kanter who, although not using the term critical mass, identified four types of minority participation. These types ranged from ‘no significant minority participation’ to ‘balanced’ minority participation which constituted approximately 40%. Those who have attempted to quantify the critical mass have primarily argued it occurs when minority representation is in the 15-20% range (Childs & Krook, 2006). However, there is certainly no universal agreement on these percentages, with Studlar and McAllister (2002) identifying that the percentage membership which must be obtained to reach the critical mass has been relatively undefined.

Two assumptions underpin the way in which critical mass theory has been used to explore minority group participation. Firstly, it is assumed that reaching the critical mass will lead to transformative change. For example, in relation to political science it has been assumed that reaching a critical mass of elected

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women will lead to changes in political behaviour and public policy, which in turn will transform governments (Studlar & McAllister, 2002). Secondly, it is assumed that achievement of the critical mass will accelerate the growth of that mass. Reflecting the notion of a ‘tipping’ point, reaching the critical mass is assumed to result in the acceleration of participation by women (Studlar & McAllister, 2002).

However, problems with these assumptions have been identified. Studlar and McAllister (2002) concluded that the concept of critical mass has vague and shifting meaning. In relation to increasing representation of women in government, Studlar and McAllister (2002) concluded that increases have resulted via incremental changes and not the accelerated changes proposed by critical mass theory. In addition, Childs and Krook (2006) argued that increased representation by women has not always translated into gains within policy and legislative arenas. The concept of a critical mass has tended to focus only on individual characteristics, excluding other variables which impact on behaviour. For example, more favourable attitudes towards feminist values and wider social transformation were required to achieve truly gendered politics (Studlar & McAllister, 2002).

Overall the main criticism of critical mass theory is that as a predictive social concept it is too simplistic, failing to recognise the cultural and social contexts in which change occurs (Greed, 2000) or the multitude of factors which constrain or enable participation (Childs & Krook, 2006). Davis (cited in Studlar & McAllister, 2002) proposed that the critical mass would be better conceptualised as the point at which an irreversible process of change is achieved, as opposed to the point at which the rate of change accelerates. However, Studlar and McAllister (2002) commented that this proposition, while not arguing the concept of a critical mass as a proposed threshold, did still consider change occurred primarily as a result of increased numbers. The concept of the critical mass assumes that it is solely the numbers which predict when change will occur. However critical mass theory needs to better understand how participation occurs,

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as opposed to when it occurs (Childs & Krook, 2006). Better understanding the factors which encourage or discourage the build up of a critical mass are also important (Greed, 2000).