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5.6.1 Fit of student financing rationales with overall higher education policies
As can be read in sections 5.1 and 5.2, there has been a strong focus on the position of students in various strategic papers on higher education. Most of them particularly address the responsible role of students themselves concerning the costs of education. Nevertheless, an initial abolishment of grants has been reversed by the fear of access problems when tuition fees were substantially increased in 2005.
5.7 Experiences with student financing
5.7.1 Total costs of study
In general, students living with their parents have an expenditure pattern of around £8,000 per year while those living away from home have a total expenditure of close to £12,500. From this budget they have to pay all their costs, including study materials, accommodation, transportation, living expenses, but excluding tuition fees.
5.7.2 Public subsidies through student support in relation to the costs of study
Detailed calculations from 2008 show that English students get 10% to 21% of their expenditure covered by public subsidies through maintenance grants and interest subsidies on loans (Schwarzenberger, 2008). Due to the tuition increase in 2012, this picture most probably has changed to the worse except for students from the lowest income groups.
5.7.3 Impact of student financing on student behaviour
The implementation of tuition fees, its radical increases (in 2005 and 2012) accompanied by a change towards loans financing did not lead to a decrease in university student numbers or in applications. Between 1990 and 2009 the number of entering students has almost quadrupled. Greenway and Haynes (2003, p. 153‐156) found that participation rates have increased steadily in the UK, despite the introduction of tuition fees. They mark this as evidence of ‘success’ (p. 153). Also the relative shares of students from various socio‐ economic backgrounds did not change between 1980 and 2001. The relative number of students from poor economic background was and remains low, and could be seen as a fault in UK legislation (p. 156). Penell and West (2005), found that students from poor economic background were (since the introduction of tuition fees) also more likely to end up with higher levels of debt than students from wealthier families.
Callender (2006) stresses this issue of higher debts and refers to the concept of debt aversion. She found that students from poor economic backgrounds were both more debt averse and more likely to end up with higher debts than students from wealthier families. Vossensteyn
(2005), however, found that even though students are debt averse, this does not influence their choice. Students, when asked, did indicate that they would be more likely not to go to a HE institution if they anticipate higher debts (through higher tuition fees or a decrease in student loans). Yet when students make an actual decision, they often make a different choice than indicated before. Hence students must be less debt averse than Callender found.
Though the issue of debt aversion has been raised and studied intensively in the UK (Callender, 2006), British students have taken up student loans quite massively. About 80% of the students takes out a loan from the Student Loans Company (SLC, 2012). In addition British students appear to appreciate loans as much as they like grants (Dearden et al., 2010, 2011). In addition to this, longitudinal studies of Dearden et al. (2010) show that students do have a slight price elasticity concerning tuition fees but as well for grants and loans. An increase of tuition fees with £1000 would decrease higher education demand with 4,4%, but an increase of loans with £1000 would lead to an increase in participation with 3,2%. An increase in grants with £1000 would only generate an increase in participation of 2,1%.
Because students from lower socio‐economic groups (particularly low‐income groups) have been compensated with grants when tuition increases took place and because all students were compensated with loans, there has not been identified any significant effect of the student financing developments until 2010. On the contrary, regardless of a real situation of cost‐sharing that has taken place quite radically since 1990, UCAS (2012) data show that the proportion of low‐income students has relatively increased since 2004.
However, the substantial increase in tuition fees in 2012 – almost a tripling – has put the number of university applications under pressure. Recent UCAS figures show a decrease in the number of applicants for the academic year 2012‐2013 by 46.400 compared to 2010 and 2011. This comes down to a 10% decrease. However, the reduction has particularly taken place among older students. From the group of 18‐year olds UCAS “misses” around 15.000 applications which points at a decrease of only 5% (UCAS, 2012). Such data have to be put in their context according to de education economist Gill Wyness (2012). First of all, the pool of potential applicants is smaller in 2012 compared to recent years because many students who normally would have postponed their choice of studying, now decided to immediately go study when they noticed that tuition fees would be seriously increased. This is said to be a similar effect as what happened in 1998 when tuition fees were introduced and in 2005/06 when tuition fees were increased from £1.200 to £3.000. UCAS (2012) shows also the following interesting data regarding the applications: still by far the most students apply for the most expensive programmes and universities like in previous years relatively more low‐income students apply for cheaper programs there is no change in the number of students indicating to stay living with their parents the proportions of applicants do not change for studies that are likely to lead to better and worse paying jobs after graduation
the number of applicants from higher income groups decreased faster than from low‐ income groups.
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Finally, a recent preference poll among 17‐18 year‐olds who qualified for higher education shows that students prefer a good reputation of a programme/institution as well as a strong focus on teaching over the amount of tuition fees that they are required to pay (£6.000, £7.500 or £9.000). In this study even no difference could be found for students from various socio‐ economic groups and various income groups (Dunnet et al., 2012).
5.7.4 Impact of student financing on achievement of general policy objectives
General policy objectives aim at a more central position of students in the higher education system. Not only as those who pay a large share of the costs, but also for getting a strong higher education experience. A new regulatory framework should also better allow private providers to enter the market. It is very likely that for students the difference between public and private universities has become less because of the tuition hike in 2012.
Over the past decades, the price of attending higher education has increased substantially for students and their parents. However, also the number of student places was extended substantially, allowing more and more students to benefit from higher education. Whether the increased tuition fees have also increased the quality of teaching is still to be seen. Though the government has high ambitions with regard to higher education, the recent tuition hike was accompanied with an almost equal reduction of public funding to universities. As such, the higher demands on higher education institutions to support their students through scholarships and widening access initiatives, not only puts larger financial pressure on universities but also an administrative one. But overall, the general financing developments have indeed put students at the heart of the system.