El cambio en la regulación estatal

“Most of the children who experience cruelty are orphans.” “Without help, orphans are not going to be anything in the future.”

“A typical orphan thinks of himself as nothing in the world.”

Introduction

In Malawi’s population of approximately eight million children, it is estimated that one million are orphans, sixty-one percent of whom are believed to have been orphaned due to AIDS (UNICEF, 2011). The death rate in Malawi, although continuing to fall, is reported as over 184,000 per year with approximately a quarter of those reported as AIDS related deaths (UNAIDS, 2012; UNICEF, 2011). Given that AIDS tends to affect adults in their prime, it seems likely that the number of orphans will continue to rise. The scale of deaths among young adults is intensifying poverty and producing more orphans, which in turn is overwhelming traditional care mechanisms as the extended family becomes severely constrained in its capacity to absorb more orphans (Madhavan, 2004; Nyambedha, Wandibba, & Aagaard-Hansen, 2003; Oleke, Blystad, & Bjorn, 2005). As Malawi is also one of the poorest and least developed countries in the world, orphans often have to compete with the children of the host family for insufficient resources (Oleke et al, 2005).

Based on research conducted in Botswana and Malawi, Swidler (2006) argues that the power imbalance between the wealthy Western donors and the poverty-stricken Africans results in a lack of syncretism in global and local approaches to AIDS. She compares the current Non-Government Organisation (NGO) presence in Africa with earlier colonial penetrations. She also reflects on the history of Western interventions since colonial times which were aimed at either supporting or destroying African governments depending on whether or not they served the interests of Western powers. Allen and Heald’s (2004) comparison of HIV and AIDS policies in Botswana and Uganda highlights the

156

risks of failure when systematically implementing ‘one-size fits all’ programmes without taking local beliefs and customs into account.

Malawian orphans are increasingly moved around, separated from their siblings and exploited by foster families (Ansell & Young, 2004; Wolf, 2005). Furthermore, a growing proportion of children are slipping through all the safety nets. Orphaned siblings resist separation not only from a fear of abuse, exploitation and a loss of inheritance, but also because of close emotional bonds and a strong sense of belonging (Wolf, 2005). Many orphans are left destitute, as they tend to use the last of their family’s assets to pay for their parents’ medical treatment and funeral expenses with any remaining property generally getting seized by relatives (Cook, et al., 1999; White, et al., 2002). Some children manage to stay living in their own home, without adult supervision, fending for themselves and their siblings (Munthali, 2002, p. 7; Nziyane & Alpaslan, 2012; Oleke, et al., 2005, p. 2633), and others go to live on the streets (L. Young & Ansell, 2003, p. 467).

The term ‘orphan’ is often used in statistical reports and other research papers without explicit definition. Generally, it has a wider meaning in Africa than in the West. It is sometimes used solely for children whose mothers have died or solely for children whose fathers have died. Other times it is used for children whose parents have both died, or similar to the Malawian definition, children who have lost one parent (either mother or father) or both parents. Usually it refers to children under eighteen years old, however, in some African countries it applies only to the under fifteens. Consequently, much of the AIDS orphan crisis literature, particularly when based on quantitative methodologies, is confusing as it tends to homogenise the crisis (Drah, 2012, p. 13). In reality, even within one country, such as Malawi, there are multiple meanings and translations of the word ‘orphan’. Furthermore, It is crucial to understand local meanings and hear the orphans’ own voices and narratives when planning interventions aimed at improving orphans’ lives (Drah, 2012, p. 13).

157

This chapter explores the discursive constructions of orphanhood in Malawi. Firstly, I examine official definitions of ‘orphan’ and contrast these to the translations from the various languages in use in Malawi today. In local contexts, orphanhood tends to be discursively constructed as an undesirable position, primarily relating to children in need who do not have the support of their families. The emphasis is on ‘need’ rather than the death of a parent. Secondly, I discuss how children are positioned as ‘orphans’ by a government department and a CBO. This is based primarily on interviews with the Social Welfare Manager in Blantyre and members of the Mapira Orphan Care Committee. Finally, I examine how young people position themselves as ‘orphans’ through the telling of their stories. All of these people, including the orphans, will have been exposed to the public discourse on orphans transmitted across Malawi through media such as radio and newspapers. This public discourse, heavily influenced by large international aid agencies such as UNICEF, is likely to affect how ordinary people articulate their opinions about orphanhood.

In summary, I demonstrate that defining orphanhood in Malawi is a complex issue. As mentioned at the beginning of this thesis, being an orphan in Malawi, unlike in the West, is not a fixed status but a process that can end before the child reaches adulthood. In fact, rather than using the term ‘orphanhood’ which suggests a fixed position as indeed is the case in Western cultures, I suggest the term ‘orphanness’ to reflect the dynamism involved in Malawian contexts. To comprehend orphanness in Malawi, it is important to learn about how and why different categories of people are positioned as orphans. I argue that to understand what it is to be an orphan in Malawi today, it is crucial to hear the orphans own voices and study their stories paying particular attention to how they position themselves and how they position others. Furthermore, to understand the full story, it is essential to examine contextual information such as their living situations and their life histories.

158