By the close of the 19th century, the Mathira had almost evolved, since the first half of the 18th century, into a sub-tribe* Their assimilation of more M i a elements, and the widespread absorption of the Maasai as well as the Athi, led them to acquire singular characteris tics, such as their distinctive dialect, which distinguished them from the rest of their kinsmen even within Gaki district itself.^ Their emergence as a sub-tribe was only arrested by the arrival of the British, without whose intervention they would have very likely evolved into a sub-tribe such as the M i a and Gicugu* The only difference in this case would have been that such a group would have been a sub-tribe more akin to and closely associated with the Maasai. And their neighbouring Maasai would not have been like the other Maasai either; the Laikipiak Maasai, for example, were distinct from the other pastoral tribes
precisely because they had absorbed large numbers of the original Athi who gave up hunting and gathering to become pastoral or semi-pastoral.^
1* Gregory* op cit., pp 157-61, 189-92; Boyes * op cit., pp 167-78, 180-99; Mackinder. op cit., pp 462-4*
2. See evidence by the government officials, settlers and the Kikuyu in KLC* Vol. 1, op cit,, pp 82-110, 510-48; Kikuyu Historical Texts* op cit.,
pp 2, 11, 12-13*
3. K.R. Bundas records that the Iria-ini, in particular, represent a fusion of various tribes such as the Laikipiak and Balalekutuk Maasai. See his article in Man* 1908, op cit., pp 136-7.
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It is this feature more than anything else which they shared with their Mathira neighbours who had also absorbed some of the Athi. Xt is even conceivable that their congenial and friendly relations may have sprung from their sharing a common Athi origin. However that is a problem that requires further investigation.
Immigration northwards into TJthaya was spearheaded by the Aithiegeni clan who had initially settled around Gikondi. The pioneer who is
reputed to have settled there initially was a certain Kambaire Munjuri, who immigrated to Karima together with his four sons - Ngai, Gitene, ICirumwa and Maigua* This was perhaps at the time of the Cuma genera
tion, about the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 18th century. Farther north Kamoko, who is alleged to have been herding his livestock, is said to have been joined by a Mumbui hunter, Magana, a man who is reputed to have ranged far and wide - from Mathira to Wamagana (named after him) - before joining him at Mahiga in the first
1
half of the 18th century. Other pioneers spread across the Gura River into Aguthi from Tambaya, but expansion farther north was consi derably slower, only reaching the vicinity of the North Cania River
2
towards the end of the 19th century. This credibly slow rate of
expansion is related to the Maasai threat as exemplified by the situation in Mathira. But here, as in Mathira, there was extensive intermarriage between the two peoples with the same consequences. In effect, by the
1. Kikuyu Historical Texts, op cit., pp U2-56.
2. Routledge found them clearing the forest around the banks of the North Cania River in 1902. See Routledge. op cit., pp 7-8.
19th century the two groups were conducting joint raids not only against their own people around them hut as far away as Ndia and Cuka.
Between the Cuma and the Ciira generations, that is from the late
17th century to the mid-18th century, there was unimpeded expansion westwards towards the Nyandarua. This expansion was along the ridges particularly between the north Mathioya and Boyo Rivers. Here the Kikuyu met little opposition, except by a few Athi who were routed at the confluence of the Boyo and southern Mathioya Rivers - Karirau. Despite the absence of serious opposition they did not reach the foot hills of the Nyandarua until the middle of the 19th century. Presumably the misty, cold weather at such heights deterred would-be pioneers. It was perhaps this discouraging weather that forced them to migrate south wards across the ridges. Many of the people who now live in Kabete spread there from lyigo and the Gathulci-ini region, apart from those who were forced to retreat from some parts of Gaki by Maasai or Athi threats. The advance southwards was marked by a steadily advancing frontier till they reached Muruka and Gatanga where Maasai opposition began to worry them. But this was not until the Mathathi generation or the second half of the 18th century. By the Curna generation, the late 17th century to the mid-18th century, they had begun to trickle into Kahuhia and
Withaga over spilling into Muthithi by the second half of the 18th century. And evidently it was the warriors initiated during the reign of the
Mathathi generation that provided the bulk of the people who vsntiired across the South Cania River into Kabete. Thus the peak of expansion across the South Cania River occurred in the first half of the 19th
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century. But remembering that this was preceded by a period of explora/bion, the initial immigration - is likely to have begun late in the 18th century, if not earlier* Many of the informants allege that the first batch of warriors to be initiated in ICabete was the Mungai, initiated about the middle of the 19th century, and that it was only the Mbugua, initiated in the first two decades of the second half of
*i the 19th century amongst whom the majority were initiated in Kabete. By that time the frontier had advanced as far south as the Rui rua Alca,
2
the Women*s River.
The southward expansion by the Kikuyu apparently led to a concen tration of the Athi in Kabete, just as their expansion northwards had led to the same phenomenon taking place around Kirinyaga. It is even feasible that this might have led to their consolidation once more. It was not politic, therefore, for the.vanguard of the Kabete pioneers to have antagonized them, let alone to have tried to drive them forcibly away. The Maasai were also on the Kaputie plains and an alliance by the two groups would have presented the Kabete with formidable obstacles, especially because pioneering was still undertaleen by individuals or small groups. For all these reasons, it was imperative that the Kabete should come to terms with the Athi if their expansion was to be effective. Understandably, and in contrast to the situation further north, in Gaki and Metumi, some had to buy the land in most parts of Kabete with the exception perhaps of certain localities of Gatundu division. Contrary
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1. Kikuvu Historical Texts, op cit., pp 1U7> l5'l, l60, 181.
to the view expressed by Lambert and others, the Athi were not forcibly eliminated, nor were they cheated of their land by guile and chicanery. They were too strong and well-armed to be so easily driven off. More over and more important, the Kikuyu way of life and that of the Athi were complementary. In particular the symbiotic relationship be W e e n the Kikuyu and the Athi wan conducive to mutual understanding and cooperation wherever this was practicable. This led to a fairly large number of the Athi being absorbed by their virile neighbours through intermarriage and mutual adoption. This process is shown by the existence of some mbari which are of essentially Athi ancestry, while a still greater number have Athi blood. Even those Athi who sold their land retained friendly re3a - tions with the buyers; these transactions, moreover, were preceded by an elaborate code of procedure which has made land negotiations be likened to marriage proceedings* It was imperative in all these negotiations that land was only sold after close and firm ties had been established be W e e n the W o parties* Thus the Kikuyu acquired land by a ’’process which consisted ... partly of alliance and partnership and partly of adoption and absorption, and partly of payment”. Certainly it was not
2