5. Resultados
5.2 Características de los estudios e intervención
Prior to 2001 there was no compulsory initial teacher training (ITT) for adults’ teachers. This, Clow (2001) argued, meant teachers’ professionalism was bound by their subject training and expertise. Their teaching expertise consisted of occupational know-how developed through classroom experience. Winch
(2004) suggested that teachers who lacked a theory base were craft workers, making their occupational knowledge practical, context-dependent and non- discursive. The government’s drive towards basic teacher training for all teachers of adults may go some way to raising adults’ teachers’ professional profile (Sachs, 2001). But Gleeson et al (2005) argued that adults’ teachers remain occupationally handicapped as they frequently work on a part-time or contract basis which limits their ability to develop and maintain ‘professional communities of practice’ or to engage in collaborative professional activities. Given such limitations, adults’ teachers’ professional identity might continue to be defined by their subject and practical classroom experiences.
2.1.3 Autonomy
The third element by which teachers may claim professionalism is autonomy. The rise of the service economy and rhetoric of accountability has been argued to have changed ‘professional accountability’ to ‘corporate accountability’ (Ranson, 2003), leading to ‘de-professionalisation’ (Bottery and Wright, 2000; Crain, 2004). It is argued that in the past teachers had professional control over course content, delivery and assessment but now frequently deliver imposed syllabuses that are managed from outside and are accountable to corporately defined goals and procedures (Sobiechowska et al, 1999). This shifting accountability is argued to ‘leave no space for an autonomous or collective ethical self’ (Ball, 2003:226) and positions teachers as technicians implementing others’ views of knowledge. From this perspective the commodity of caring is reduced to performance of targets (Bathmaker and Avis, 2005b) determined by managerial and state interests. A low professional status for teachers has been argued (Bottery and Wright, 2000; Sachs, 2001) to be in the government’s interest by implementing government policy. But teachers have a plurality of roles (Day et al, 2006; Sachs, 2003) which makes their professionalism dynamic. McCulloch et al (2000) argued that, rather than de-professionalism, new accountability could be regarded as ‘re-professionalism’. The changing context requires new sets of skills to ensure good relationships with clients and stakeholders and access to a more extensive knowledge base. For some, for
example Coldron and Smith (1999) and Sachs (2003), this vision of new professionalism is defined on the one hand by structure directed by government action and on the other by agency, that is teachers have freedom of choice about how to respond and how to depict themselves.
New professionalism is thus argued (Gleeson et al, 2005; Sachs 2001, 2003) to be a dualism of two competing discourses. The first, ‘Managerialist professionalism’ reinforced by the employing authorities through policies of teacher professional development and an emphasis on accountability and effectiveness. Sachs (2003) conceded this may be the more dominant. The second ‘Democratic professionalism’, Sachs suggested, arose from the profession itself. It emphasizes learning as the core to rethinking professionalism, active participation, collaborative with internal and external agents, cooperation with colleagues and being an active agent for change. These democratic discourses Sachs felt provide the conditions for development of communities of practice (Wenger, 1998) which in turn create a strong professional identity. For adults’ teachers their professional training and working conditions could mean power to exercise democratic professionalism could be limited thus weakening their professional identity. ‘Managerial professionalism’ may, thus, become the more dominant discourse impacting on adults’ teachers’ ability to act independently and positioning their professional culture as a technical-rational.
As part of his discussion on new professionalism, Hoyle (1975) developed the concept of ‘professionality’, referring to teachers’ perceptions of the knowledge, skills and procedures involved in the process of teaching. Given its age and the current discourse of democratic professionalism Day (1999) argued that Hoyle’s notions no longer applied. But for adults’ teachers the discourse of democratic professionalism may not be so dominant. In schools the ideas of new professionalism, set against the raising standard criteria, ensure that teachers are now less isolated, their planning more collaborative, and their relationship with learners more contractual. Whereas in the adult sector the managerial
emphasis mean that rising standards appear more bound with accessibility, accountability and transparency set against learner choice rather than with raising levels of teaching and learning and collaborative discourse. Teaching practices remain largely part-time, individual and isolated. In addition change from a subject expertise to a pedagogical knowledge base is relatively new (Harkin, 2005). Thus it could be argued adult education is only now experiencing its own pedagogy debate and that despite its age Hoyle’s model could have continued resonance as a heuristic device in this sector.
2.1.4 Professionality
Hoyle (1975) concluded that notions of new professionalism required ‘extended’ images of professionality embracing a wider range of knowledge and skills than the ‘restricted’ professionality of the immediate classroom. But, he argued, teachers tended to be atheoretical in their day-to-day teaching, with ‘relatively little interest in educational theory or research’ (Hoyle, 1975:319), and perceived themselves first and foremost as practitioners. Further Simon (1999) concluded that pedagogy in the UK was confused, anecdotal and eclectic rather than coherent, systematic and purposeful. While Alexander (2000) argued pedagogy was fundamental and respected in other countries but was limited in the UK and predominantly concerned with performance and management. Such conclusions appeared to be reiterated in more recent research (Harkin, 2005) surveying 244 teachers of adults about their perceptions on the usefulness of ITT. Harkin concluded that teachers perceived the practical orientated elements, such as planning programmes or developing teaching techniques, to be the most helpful. He felt teachers tended to view theory solely as propositional knowledge or published academic work and that many teachers were quite disparaging about theory.
One of the key questions for Hoyle was whether ‘restricted’ and ‘extended’ professionality were divergent orientations or whether the latter was an extension of the former. His model lacked clarity in this respect. The government’s implementation of ITT in the adult sector and their current
emphasis on practice from theory (Harkin, 2005) would imply a commitment to the latter. This emphasizes teaching as a science to be learnt, with improved practice emerging from reflective practice and engagement with theory. The teachers’ perceived atheoretical approach implies that they may view teaching as a craft defined by practical skills and intuitive activity. Harkin’s teachers placed great value on reflective practice but they saw this purely in practical terms concentrating on their own or their learners’ performance within the classroom situation. These teachers may thus see the model in either/or terms. Either you are a practitioner concerned with the artistry of actual classroom practice or you are a theorist concerned with the science of how it might be done. These conflicting viewpoints indicate possible tensions between teachers’ practice and training, and definitions of expert teacher.
Viewing Hoyle’s model in terms of Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1986, 2005) expert model an anomaly appears. ‘Restricted’ professionality may be seen as intuitive activity, characteristic of the ‘expertise’ stage. ‘Extended’ professionality sees teaching as a rational activity bound by theory, characteristic of the ‘proficiency’ stage. If the models are seen as divergent, in Dreyfus and Dreyfus’ terms, the ‘restricted’ practitioner would be the more expert. Yet for Hoyle the ‘extended’ developed from the ‘restricted’ and for Dreyfus and Dreyfus the intuitive expert required assimilation of theory. The solution to this conundrum lies in remembering the inclusive nature of Dreyfus and Dreyfus’ expert model. It is not the act of extending knowledge that is important but what the teacher does with that knowledge that counts (Evans, 2002). Humphreys and Hyland (2002) likened teaching to a jazz performance. Teachers, they said, required the skills and understanding of the discipline but also the intuition, the ability to perform. This would suggest that the expert teacher was a convergence of the two models.
A convergence of models does more than imply that one model extends from the other; the ‘restricted’ is an integral part of ‘extended’ (Atkinson and Claxton, 2000). This envisages teacher’s role as cognitive and affective (Day and
Pennington, 1993) but also highlights a missing element in Hoyle’s model. ‘Understanding of discipline’ places teachers in wider subject and social contexts and moves teaching beyond the individual into considering societal needs. Professionality, in this context, requires a reflexive approach; that is reflection on practice, theory, and subject. Teaching here moves backwards and forwards between Tight’s (2002) three developmental levels. The micro-level concerned with the individual learner and personal relationships which are the focus of ‘restricted’ professionality. The meso-level related to institutions and community seen in the reflective approach of ‘extended’ professionality. Finally the macro-level concerned with national and wider community expectations and needs. This tri-level approach could offer a more ‘holistic’ interpretation of professionality to further develop Hoyle’s model [Appendix A4]. Teaching in this context is an active interrelationship between the art, science and context of teaching with the teacher as designer. The teacher designs the teaching to fit the learners and context. Thus teaching expertise can be seen as intuitive application of rational theory through reflexive processes.
One problem for professionality is teachers’ practice may be mediated by the educational environment in which they work (Adey, 2004). The institutional perception of professionality may impact on the nature of Continued Professional Development (CPD) opportunities, motivation and ability for reflexive behaviour, and implementation of change. This might be viewed simplistically in a 2x2 matrix [Figure 2.1]. Bottery and Wrights’ (2000) research found that schools did very little in terms of in-service training to develop wider concepts of the teaching role but rather had a pre-occupation with training to develop classroom skills or management of school resource implementation. For Little (1992) this was because CPD was often viewed as a means of implementing reform or policy changes. Kennedy (2005) also felt there to be an emphasis on transmissionist models of CPD. This ‘restricted’ institution approach if coupled with a ‘restricted’ teacher approach might limit motivation to review or change practice, to engage with educational theory, or to respond to challenging ideas. A ‘restricted’ institutional approach could also constrain
Institution
Restricted Extended
Restricted Limited motivation to review or change practice Change restricted by teacher’s vision/motivation
T
e
a
c
h
e
r
Extended Change restricted by institution’s vision/motivation
Motivation for meaningful and productive change
Figure 2.1: Matrix indicating teacher/institutional perceptions of professionality and implications for change (After Adey, 2004:97)
teachers with an ‘extended’ approach. The teachers may have little opportunity to access transformative courses designed to encourage reflective practice (Kennedy, 2005) or could encounter resistance to the introduction of new ideas or practices. This can perhaps be illustrated by an example from the researcher’s own experience. A fellow student asked her headmistress for permission to conduct research with her class and was told, “I’m happy for you to conduct research, just don’t start introducing any of those new ideas into your teaching.” Change in these circumstances could be limited and/or controlled by managerial goals or expectations.
An ‘extended’ institutional approach need not guarantee effective change, however. Fraser (2005) argued that teachers’ level of engagement with training impacted on how change was implemented. Thus teachers with a ‘restricted’ view of professionality may attend courses with a theoretical content but their own practical classroom emphasis may make them unwilling or unable to reflect on or react to theory content. Evans (2002) concluded that effective change
required both functional and attitudinal development. Change without enhancing professionalism or professionality was just change. Shulman and Shulman (2004), exploring why some teachers taking part in a project to implement a new learning programme were able to adapt and change their practice and others were not, similarly concluded there to be two elements influencing change; the individual and community. They argued that these two dimensions continually interacted and were mutually determining. They decided that teachers needed five conditions for change. 1) Vision, they had to be ready to change. Fraser (2005) termed this ‘pre-engagement’, defined as a professional dissatisfaction with current practice. 2) Motivation, the willingness to change. 3) Understanding of what must be taught and how to teach it. 4) Practice, being able to engage in appropriate practice and adaptive action. 5) Reflection, learning from experience. The latter two, Fraser (2005) termed the ‘engagement’ and ‘enactment’ phases. Thus teachers need a personal readiness to effectively enact change. But their institution needs to share their vision, knowledge base and commitment and support changes though a community of practice. This would indicate that it is where the institution and teacher share an ‘extended’ view of professionality that change may be more meaningful and reflexive practice encouraged and supported. But even here, to be effective external policies and resources also need to be available.
These images of CPD can be summarised by picturing expertise in terms of Dreyfus and Dreyfus’ dynamic expert [Figure 2.2]. Continuing development of expertise from Evan’s (2002) viewpoint would require both functional and attitudinal development. While moving from novice to expert within a new practice area would require movement through pre-engagement, engagement and enactment stages (Fraser, 2005; Shulman and Shulman, 2004). All of which might be enacted against a backdrop of personal, institutional or wider community influences or expectations which could support or hinder change. Enactment accompanied by reflection could lead to satisfaction/dissatisfaction and motivate further training to change or develop practice. But enactment
Influences
Individual Institutional Community Expert Proficient Competent Advanced Beginner D e v e lo p m e n t Attitudinal Functional Novice
Pre-engagement Engagement Enactment Vision/Motivation Understanding/training Practice/Reflection
Characteristics
Figure 2.2: Model for teacher CPD
without engagement or reflection could result in functional change without attitudinal change. The relationship between teacher professionality, classroom practice and professional development can therefore be seen as complex and many layered. At its core, again, are issues concerning the aims of education in relation to micro, meso or macro development. But those differing levels of influence can also impact on teachers’ perceptions of professionality. One crucial element to teachers’ view of professionality, and vice versa, is their professional knowledge development and understandings.