REGLA 53 LANZAMIENTO DE EQUIPACIÓN
53.1. Lanzamiento de Equipación
As noted in the first part of this thesis, AF is an innovative program in that it mixes conventions of the soap opera and game show in a hybrid format. At the same time it capitalises on this hybridity by creating ‘spin-off’ programs like Diari AF (AF Diary), Konsert AF (AF Concert), Imbasan AF (AF Glimpse) and Tirai Akademi Fantasia (Behind the Curtain). In contrast to other reality talent contests, which only focus on staged performances, AF is more than just a singing competition as it also showcases the contestants’ lives and relationships in these additional programs. In this chapter I examine more closely the complex viewing pleasures that this program generates drawing on audience descriptions and evaluations of identified features such as its multiple spectator positions and ‘complex’ narrative.
In line with Mikos’s (2004) account of Big Brother, this chapter also argues that AF
“as television text works on several levels” (p. 93). Due to its element of audience interactivity as well as its subjectivity of how celebrities are created from ordinary people, the program engages varying modes of address. As McCarthy (2009) has noted in her comparison between the first waves of reality TV with the recent versions (drawing on British and American contexts) (p. 26), modes of address constitute different spectator subjectivities for the viewers. While the first wave of reality TV is “understood as unequivocally good, instructive, and socially progressive through its association with social science …”, the recent wave has brought massive changes as it is positioned within “voyeuristic, theatrical, and exploitative formats and modes of address” (p. 26). While most contemporary Malaysian reality TV can still be categorised within the first wave of reality TV, AF blends the first wave and the
recent wave identified by McCarthy as it melds the instructive modes of address with a voyeuristic format.
In this chapter I argue that hybridity (in generic and textual terms) is a key mechanism in accounting for the pleasure audiences experience from AF. I will elaborate on three main themes to justify this argument. Firstly, as a hybrid text that melds the on-stage performance (like American Idol) with the off-stage lives of the contestants (like Big Brother), AF allows the audience to draw pleasure from seeing the construction of celebrity through the play between the ‘pseudo’-private and public selves. Secondly, it engages the viewer in the spectator position of ‘meta-judge’, inviting them to simultaneously evaluate the competencies of contestants, judges and host. Thirdly, the program heightens audience levels of excitement and emotional engagement by organising the program within a melodramatic narrative form that strongly draws on soap opera conventions.
The celebrity journey: The articulation of private selves and public selves
Reality talent contests have become a significant player in the production of celebrity, especially in Malaysia. At the same time, reality TV has also brought a new approach in terms of how viewers might identify with the ‘wannabe’ celebrity, that is, an ordinary person who wants to be a celebrity. AF is the first reality contest program in the country where audiences can witness the daily lives of the contestants off-stage.
Thus, the contestants adopt their celebrity personae in a play between their private and public selves as ordinary people in the house and performers on the stage, subsequently raising the question of how audiences evaluate and view this new form of the construction of celebrities. This hybrid format that sets AF apart from other
programs might also be hypothesised as a key source of the program’s immense popularity. This proposition will be tested in this chapter through the responses obtained from the focus groups.
i. Authentic articulations of the self
The audience assumes a voyeuristic perspective on the lives of the contestants in the house in Diari AF, but one of the motivations of such a voyeuristic exercise for the viewers is to get a glimpse of the contestants as they ‘really’ are in their ordinary everyday lives. As Holmes (2004b) puts it, viewers look for an “authentic articulation of the self” in the contestants in reality TV (p. 159). In AF, audiences track this articulation of self across the dual narrative foci of the private and public lives of contestants. However, what identifies AF as a distinctive show is that a precondition of being judged a successful contestant (being a public celebrity) is the prior demonstration of an authentic self in the ‘private’ setting of the house.
Much of the pleasure of AF is derived in terms of the viewers’ perceptions or sense of familiarity with the contestants as ordinary people. In this case, Diari AF acts as the main source for viewers to witness the contestant’s true self as the viewers see them in a domestic setting doing everyday things. It is “within this framework we learn such intimate details as their bad habits, favourite turn of phrase, the names of their partners, their pets and so forth” (Holmes, 2004a, p. 116). Through such “repeated performance”, viewers form perceptions of their characters and judge them accordingly (Redden, 2008, p. 133). Indeed, by watching the contestants every day through the hidden video camera surveillance, the viewers easily identify with what Collins has called “media friends”. NK2 (female, 19, Diploma Student), one of the
research participants, confirmed that she likes to watch Diari AF as she can witness the true self of the contestants. AA (female, 36, Assistant Registrar) also likes to watch Diari AF as she can observe the behaviours of the contestants:
When I watch the contestants on Diari AF, I can know more about them.
For example, with whom do they get along … and I can know about their behaviour … maybe he/she is a kind of quiet person. (AA, female, 36, Assistant Registrar)
Her response shows that the private self of the contestants does indeed matter. She appears to want to know about the characters of contestants in a way that extends beyond just seeing them performing. Her response also suggests that Diari AF enables her to draw conclusions about “what the star ‘really is’” (Dyer, 2004, p. 10). MM1 likewise believes that this aspect of getting to know the contestants as real people behind the scenes is the key attraction of AF:
People don’t only want to watch the singing performance itself, but they want to watch the contestants’ character ... when we can watch other people’s character, we feel enjoyable ... we want to know their off-stage character, instead of singing on stage. For example, it was quite exciting to watch the contestants quarrel in the house. (MM1, male, 26, Newsreader/Assistant Editor)
MM1’s comment reveals not just performance but also ‘behind-the-scenes’ conflict is an important element of the pleasure of the show.
When viewers feel that they know the contestants in terms of their individual personalities and behavioural traits, they begin to develop a preference for them on
the basis of such perceptions. AZ (female, 30, Document Controller) commented that she would normally choose a favourite contestant by the end of the first three weeks and then she would watch Diari AF in order to follow the activities of her favourite contestant. She followed her favourite contestant to see how he/she reacted to the challenges of living in the house, and how he/she behaved with other participants, trainers and AF guests.
From these comments, it is obvious that the respondents were attracted to watching Diari AF because they could learn and explore what the contestants are really like.
Some viewers, however, dislike this aspect of the show, as they feel that it is inappropriate. MY1 said:
At first, I also like to watch those things (referring to contestants doing daily activities). But now, I don’t want to watch those things any more. I watched it in AF2, but I don’t want to watch those things any more. I didn’t watch the Diari AF for AF seasons 4 and 5. Since AF2, we knew the tactics - washing dishes, or whatever. I don’t want to watch those things funny any more. (MY1, male, 26, Master’s Degree Student)
MY1’s comment illustrates his ambivalence towards the Diari AF program; he felt that the format was interesting in the beginning, but after a few seasons the novelty wore off and he felt that such public broadcasting of contestants’ private lives was inappropriate or simply too banal. Similarly, NK1 also found that the mundane, routine and intense focus in the Diari AF was not enjoyable, as she said:
It might be suitable to show those things for the contestants’ family to watch the activities of their son/brother/daughter/sister who became the
contestants, in order to know their development in the ‘academy’, but for us who have no relations with them, we do not find it as enjoyable to watch those things. (NK1, female, 19, Diploma Student)
While some viewers enjoy watching the diary so they can get to know the contestants
‘real’ self, a number of research participants expressed scepticism about whether the contestants would be their genuine selves on camera. AA5 (female, 23, Bachelor’s Degree Student), for example, said that since contestants know that their daily activity is being recorded, they would be on their best behaviour and might act as if they were trying very hard to give the best performance at the Konsert AF at the end of the week. She stated, “The contestants would not show their real self, but will pretend in front of the camera, but once off-camera, we don’t know how they would react, right?” AR (22, male, Radio Producer) also indicated, “the contestants were acting up.
When you notice that you are being recorded, your will not show your true self”. In this respect, audiences appear to express recognition of the ‘constructedness’ and performed dimensions of AF’s narratives of the private self.
One participant, AM2 (male, 30, Customer Service Officer), however, felt that the contestants of the AF first season were very genuine compared to contestants in the other seasons, as the AF1 contestants had no idea that they were going to be recorded and showcased to the viewers. But MA1, from another group had a different view and argued that the contestants in AF season two onwards were also being their genuine selves. He said:
Although they know that their activities in the house are monitored on the camera, they cannot tell precisely when and where their activities are being recorded. They do not know where the cameras are. Anyway on
Diari AF, the contestants are mostly just doing the training that their teacher asked them to do. For me, it doesn’t look like they are acting up.
(MA1, male, 24, Radio Producer)
In contrast to MA1’s defence of the contestants’ behaviour, AA4 (male, 35, Lecturer) made an intriguing argument about the audience expectations of the notion of realism on reality TV. He said that one must accept that since the contestants are somehow subconsciously aware of being monitored we cannot discount a level of pretence.
Equally, though, as the observation technology becomes more invisible and backgrounded, they do probably slip back into habitual behaviour.
The popularity of Mawi attests to audience concern with ‘the ordinary’ and ‘the real’.
In this respect, Asmawi Ani (the winner of AF3), famously known as Mawi, has emerged as the most popular contestant across all AF seasons. Mawi was the most frequently mentioned contestant across all age groups in the study, regardless of age and gender. Indeed, many of the respondents stated that they followed and enjoyed AF season 3 the most because of Mawi. When they were asked for the reason they favoured Mawi, many of the viewers specified his ‘aura’55. While participants did not elaborate on their use of the term, I would argue that it seems to point to an interesting combination of a notion of inherent personality as well as privileging his exemplary Malay ordinariness.
According to SS2 (female, 29, Engineer), Mawi was adored by many people as he came from a disadvantaged economic background.56 In Trek Selebriti, when the
55 ‘Aura’ is used in Malay and has the same meaning as in English.
56 He came from a poor family who lived in a government initiated land development area – Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) Taib Andak. FELDA develops new villages in remote areas. Settlers are given a few acres of land to plant oil palm or rubber.
production team visited his house to film him receiving the news of his selection as a contestant, he was very much constructed as a poor ‘kampung’ boy, which struck a chord with many viewers. During the sequence, he appeared dressed in Bermuda shorts without a shirt and his physical appearance further cemented that ‘ordinary kampung’ image. As SS2 put it, “With his appearance like that, plus the depiction of his poor house, it makes people feel sympathetic for him”. Her comment suggests that she admired Mawi’s courage in trying out for such a big contest, despite his less privileged socio-economic background.
Moreover, Mawi’s portrayal as a conservative and virtuous Muslim man also created a strong connection with the viewers, the majority of whom are also Malay Muslim.
For instance, ZM (male, 41, School Teacher) stated, “He (Mawi) knows how to carry himself projecting his religious background image. For him, his religious practice is very obvious in comparison to other contestants before him.” As noted previously, personality and character play a key role in audience pleasure and the popularity of contestants. His popularity, however, was associated with the audience’s sympathy towards his poor ‘kampung’ boy construction. One newspaper reported that Mawi’s success was not because of sympathetic votes, as he never purposely ‘showed off’ to the camera or ‘denounced’ his ‘teachers’ (AF trainers) about his social status, in order to raise empathy among the viewers (Utusan Malaysia, 7 August 2005, n. pag).
However, other responses indicate that empathy appears to play a significant role in the voting. SM1 (female, 22, Radio Producer apprentice) said that she and her relatives always vote for a person from a disadvantaged background. According to SM1, “through Trek Selebriti, they can witness how the contestant’s house looks like, where is his/her school, and indirectly, we know how his/her life is, either he/she is
rich or not.” By getting a glimpse of the background of the contestant, they make judgements about who is more deserving of their votes.
Some viewers also find the contestants’ ‘un-celebrity-like behaviour’ easy to relate to.
NH (female, 19, Diploma Student) stated, “they (the contestants) are quite humble … I mean, very low profile. In fact, they depicted similar behaviour while they were performing on stage.” She further explains why she likes Felix (AF season 2 contestant) – “He seems so open and down-to-earth in a way that I can understand. I can think of him as the boy-next-door, someone I can relate to, which is why I like him.”
In a related discussion, focus group participants also expressed their doubt about the contestants’ true character; they also voiced their discomfort about the producers’
power over editing and filming as they can manipulate how the contestants are depicted. Their opinion on this matter suggests that they are aware that the ‘drama’
shown in Diari AF is actually shaped by the producers. Although Diari AF is a reality show, the viewers are not freely positioned to choose what to look at, but their voyeuristic gaze is positioned within the narrative construction of the producers’
intention. It can be interpreted through the viewers’ responses on the ‘drama’
constructed in Diari AF. It shows that the viewers are aware that “someone is in control of this “reality”, making the narrative, choosing the shots, determining how they will be ordered” (Kolker & Kolker, 2009, p. 190). Therefore, they understand that a reality program like AF does not show reality per se, but “their reality is closely manipulated” (p. 190). KO, who had talked personally to a contestant, commented that:
Although they spend 12 hours in the house, they still didn’t know where the cameras are … the producers took this advantage to cut and combine the visual and create it as a storyline ... So, we were influenced with the story. For example Aril had been eliminated because people didn’t like him to be close to Marsha, as shown in the daily diary. Thus, all people blame him. But when I asked him whether that he has a special relationship with Marsha, and did he watch the diary after he was eliminated? He told me he watched the diary and he was surprised why the production people just showed his closeness with Marsha in the diary, although Marsha is also close with other contestants too. (KO, female, 25, Reporter)
KO’s observations here show a clear awareness of the narrative-building strategies employed by the show’s editors and producers. She hinted that producers are interested in creating a sense of drama by fashioning a coherent narrative out of the disjointed events occurring in the house. It is worth noting here that this is similar to soap opera narrative strategies, which capture and maintain viewers’ interest through ongoing ‘story lines’. This narrative strategy is also employed by Big Brother, as the show’s producer has noted (Roscoe, 2001, p. 480). In this regard, I would argue that the audience’s awareness of the ‘constructedness’ of narrative produced both a sense of pleasure and displeasure. On the one hand, the viewers might dislike the sense of being manipulated, but on the other hand, they enjoy spotting and tracking the way producers manipulate the contestants’ attitudes in Diari AF. They therefore feel smarter than the producers, as their manipulations are perceived as not as effective once identified by the viewers.
NN also had the same view about the contestants’ personalities, considering them created according to the producer’s intention:
Personally I feel it’s difficult for us to judge their personality because the things that they shown to us have already been edited. So, I don’t think, they really show the truth (referring to their attitudes). Most have been edited and some are shown for intended purposes. For example, if they want to portray the image of certain participant as a pleasant contestant, then they will just show all the pleasant attitudes about him/her. So, sometimes I think the programs itself is not being fair to the contestant.
(NN, female, 51, Businesswoman)
With reference to NN’s response, it can be noted that she is aware that the footage shown on Diari AF is orchestrated by the producers. In fact, the producers have the power to create the personality of the contestants according to their preference.
Therefore, it can be said that the producers not only positioned the ‘drama’ shown in Diari AF, but they also positioned the contestants’ personalities. In this respect, the producers are manipulating the spectators’ points of view and here NN is aware that the viewers are not seeing the overall picture of the contestants.
AF has created a new spectator position which employs the voyeuristic manner of the
‘docusoap’ format of Big Brother, and this has caused AF to be perceived as a novelty. AZ admitted that she enjoyed watching AF because of this novelty appeal.
She explains:
AF is the first reality TV which records the activities/trainings of the contestants in the diary and shows it to the viewers. So, we as the viewers like to watch that kind of thing like the ‘behind-the-screen’