The usual ethical procedures were followed to ensure minimal risks for all respondents. As virtually any project involving human participants, this thesis required ethical approval from the faculty ethics committee. An ethical review form was submitted on 30th September 2014. The project was identified as low-risk with no further ethical review required. All necessary
procedures were completed and the approval received before the interviews were commenced. It was ensured that appropriate ethical practices were maintained throughout all stages of the research. No gatekeepers were used to approach respondents. It was emphasised to all
interviewees that their participation was voluntary. Further, the respondents were explained that they could skip any questions they did not feel comfortable to discuss or withdraw from the project at any stage. The interviews were recorded and used with freely given consent from participants.
When designing the interviews, it was believed that the focus of the thesis (careers) was not too sensitive and the questions were generally safe and not particularly risky. However, the
interactions with respondents proved otherwise. The interviewees alluded to some delicate aspects of their biographies, that could have been damaging for their careers. For instance, some of the participants severely criticised their managers, colleagues, corporate practices and other issues. On many occasions, the interviewees would ask to stop the recording and request that the audio materials and transcripts were not to be shared with a third party, including the
researcher’s supervisors. Two respondents permitted the researcher to use the interviews for analytical purposes, but asked not to provide direct quotes from them in this thesis or any subsequent publications. Many interviewees remarked, half-jokingly, that they would lose their jobs had everything they said become known to their employers. Some information could potentially lead to negative implications beyond the career domain (see Singer et al., 2000; Liamputtong, 2007). Hypothetically, a sham marriage could result in imprisonment and
deportation from the country if disclosed to immigration authorities (e.g. BBC, 2012). Similarly, information about adultery could ruin a family if became known to a spouse.
To minimise any possibility of harm for the participants, the issue of anonymity was addressed particularly seriously (Sieber, 1992; Baez, 2002). All respondents’ real names had been changed
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to pseudonyms. In some instances, pseudonyms were suggested by the interviewees. Further, all other proper nouns mentioned by the respondents (e.g. specific geographic locations, names of organisations and other people) were disguised. A few skilled migrants in the North-East, as well as a few in high-profile jobs, made some respondents easily identifiable even with changed names. In these instances, additional measures were undertaken (McLeod, 1996). Many job titles were veiled to give an idea of the respondents’ occupational statuses, but protect anonymity. In some instances, when career stories were especially unique and revealing, country of origin was changed as well36. No information about employers or any other personal details were disclosed in quotes when presenting and discussing the findings. All transcripts and notes were
anonymised and stored securely on the researcher’s password-protected personal and office computers. Audio recordings will be deleted after six months from submission of this thesis and transcripts will be held only on the researcher’s personal computer.
Certain issues with sensitivity of the topics of interest had been anticipated. It was assumed that not all participants would feel comfortable discussing discrimination, misunderstanding of local norms or unsuccessful career decisions. The respondents were reminded that they could refuse to answer any questions, but this happened only on two occasions. The matter of psychological comfort was also considered when selecting the interview venues. In general, respondents seemed more relaxed and open in their own (e.g. house or office) or neutral (e.g. bars or coffee shops) premises than at the researcher’s office. It did not seem appropriate to insist on coming to potential interviewees’ houses or office. Inviting respondents (especially female) to bars and cafes also was not considered the best practice. Instead, all individuals who agreed to be interviewed were offered a choice between the university meeting rooms and any location of their choice. This approach also addressed (to some extent) the asymmetry of power in interviews (Kvale, 2006), allowing the respondents for some sense of control over the interviews.
Regardless of the location, building rapport with the participants was important for facilitating candid and frank conversations. It has been observed (Gleshne and Peshkin, 1992) that trust is a necessary condition for good interviews. In this thesis, the sense of shared identity as skilled individuals and/or migrants, served as a foundation for trust between the researcher and
interviewees. All respondents possessed at least a college diploma level of education. Most (52) had university degrees, 13 had Master degrees and 11 more were educated at the doctoral level.
36 They were changed into countries in the same region and with similar relations to the UK regarding migration regulation and recognition of credentials.
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As skilled individuals, they classified the researcher as a member of a similar group37. Many of them remembered difficulties approaching participants for their dissertations and were keen to assist. Further, being a migrant himself, the researcher felt he was seen as trustworthy by migrant respondents who appreciated an opportunity to discuss their concerns, worries and problems (see Esterberg, 2002; Dean et al., 2009) with a potential emancipatory effect. Many migrant
participants made comments such as “you probably know what I mean”, “I think all migrants
have been through this”, “I am sure you understand this” and others of this sort, emphasising the
perceived similarity of experiences. This was likely to have an impact on how the respondents presented their stories. Individuals can (sub)consciously alter their interpretation of undesired events and outcomes in order to recreate a sense of personal control over their own lives. For example, Gould and Sarama (2004) demonstrate how individuals for whom early retirement was the only available option present it as a deliberate choice in order to preserve some self-respect. It was anticipated that some respondents may not admit certain negative experiences, e.g.
obstacles they faced. However, it is believed that migrant respondents were rather frank, because they assumed that the migrant researcher had a good understanding of their situations. As one female migrant interviewee confessed: “I would try to avoid talking about this [difficulties with
making local friends because of cultural differences] with a British person, but you might have been through similar things”.
Nonetheless, the researcher being a [skilled] migrant entailed some pitfalls too. When migrant respondents assumed that the researcher had similar experience with, for example, issues such as acceptance or recognition of skills, they tended not to go into many details and skip some
important nuances. In these instances, follow-up questions were asked and interviewees were invited to elaborate and exemplify their points. It is also acknowledged that the sense of a shared identity may have been weaker between the researcher (White male) and female and ethnic minority respondents.
Also, there was an important ethical issue that stemmed from the underlying logic of CR research. CR acknowledges that complete detachment of the researcher from their research subject is impossible (Ackroyd and Karlsson, 2014). RST makes it explicit that social agents are capable of changing the social world in the morphogenetic circle (Archer, 1995). The very act of interviewing subjects is a social intervention that is likely to yield changes for both parties. Although this ability to make changes is vital for emancipatory potential of critical realism (Sayer, 2011), there is no guarantee that these changes will be for the better. The respondents
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were encouraged to engage in reflection upon their experiences. However, these experiences were not always positive (see Kvale, 1983). This could have caused discomfort and stress for the respondents. Some participants confessed that they had never been involved in such in-depth discussions and evaluations of their careers. Some admitted that their subjective feeling of success had been questioned as a result of the interview, and some started doubting their previous career decisions.
To mitigate potential damaging psychological effect, the discussions were non-judgmental and categories such as good and bad, right and wrong were not used in the interviews. This is not to imply that the researcher was completely disinterested and dispassionate. As mentioned
elsewhere in this chapter, critical realists are encouraged to apply their rationality to differentiate between, for example, ‘good’ and ‘bad’ career projects. This, however, was done in the analysis and with a great deal of cautious and reflexive deliberations, with an objective to draw ‘rational’ (although inevitably subjective and fallible) inferences rather than ‘sentimental’ speculations. During the interviews, a conscious effort was made to avoid any criticism of the respondents’ perceptions, accounts and decisions. This was particularly difficult when the interviewees’ expressed negative opinions about things of which the researcher was fond. To refrain from protesting and to remain neutral and focused on the research questions was a useful practice of self-command and composure. This was also treated as a valuable reminder of how different people’s experiences can be even in the same environment.
A constant endeavour was made to avoid “faking friendship” (Kvale, 2006). A reflexive monitoring was used in order not to abuse the aforementioned sense of a common destiny and associated trust. The researcher attempted to maintain a positive and friendly attitude, but the overall tone of the interviews was kept somewhat distant and not overly personal. The researcher also tried to avoid presenting his own story in the interviews. When the respondents asked questions about this, they were typically answered after the interview.
On a more positive note, many respondents informed the researcher that they found interviews a valuable reflective exercise that helped them structure their own thoughts and ideas. Most participants, but migrants particularly, seemed genuinely interested in the research. Many saw interviews as an opportunity to find answers to their personal questions and were keen to compare their career stories to other participants. It was not always possible to disclose such information – in part due to the issue of confidentiality, in part because not all data had been analysed yet – and some respondents stipulated access to the final version of this thesis as a condition of their participation. Some interviewees commented that the conversations facilitated
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their understanding of the context. They expressed an opinion that it was a rare opportunity to contemplate their careers and look for the causes of positive and negative outcomes. Further, some migrant respondents directly asked for career advice or sought for approval of their future plans. Although the researcher did not offer any career suggestions, the respondents remarked that having been able to advance an understanding of their own careers and, potentially, to identify a problem was an important beginning. It was also suggested that the interviews led some individuals to consider alterations in their career projects. It is, of course, impossible to be certain that this will result in any career advancement. Nonetheless, a revision of plans and projects is a significant step towards CR emancipation, even if accompanied by discontent or disturbance.
4.9 Summary
This chapter sought to outline the research methodology used for the purposes of this study. It opened with a discussion of objectivist and subjectivist ontologies and suggested CR ontology as a better alternative. It then explained how ontological position affected epistemological
assumptions and the choice of research methods and techniques. The chapter introduced CRE as a framework applied to answer the research questions. This framework suggests that career outcomes should be understood as a product of reflexive agency and contextual mechanisms. This research started with a review of secondary sources – previous studies, statistical reports etc. – to form expectations about agency and the context. It then proceeded to empirically test these expectations through semi-structured interviews with 57 respondents. The chapter
introduced the sample and outlined the structure and logic of the interviews. It was highlighted that the questions were modified, added and omitted to embrace the diversity of the respondents and their career experiences. The interviews were (re)designed, in each particular case, to maximize opportunities to learn from individual stories. The chapter then explained the principles of data analysis. Finally, the ethical and reflective issues were debated.
The following chapters, 5 to 8, present the core findings generated by this thesis in response to the three research questions. Chapter 5 will ‘map the context’, whereas chapter 6 to 8 will discuss career projects and their outcomes for autonomous, communicative and meta-reflexives respectively.
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