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Language attitudes toward English have been ambivalent since it was introduced in China two centuries ago. Section 3.2.1 provides an account of the changing attitudes towards English in the Qing dynasty. Section 3.2.2 relates the conflicting attitudes towards English in the Republic of China. Section 3.2.3 describes the varying attitudes towards English in the People’s Republic of China.

3.2.1 Language attitudes towards English in the Qing dynasty

In the Qing Dynasty (1636-1912), English was not held in high esteem though it received some appreciation later. In the early days of trade with foreigners, compradores were the only people who could communicate with foreigners, but they were not respected by others even though they were financially prosperous. Few people were willing to have contact with compradores. They were socially ostracized.

Following the treaty of Tientsin between the British government and the Qing government, missionary schools were set up legitimately in China, but these schools were mostly attended by students from poor families, because the education and food offered by the missionary schools were free and other family members could benefit from subsidies (Li et al., 1988). The unpopularity of missionary schools was reflected in their slow expansion during this period. By the 1870s, there were only 20 missionary schools and these schools had around 230 students.

The first government-run foreign language school, the Tongwen Guan, suffered similar stigmatization when it was first established (Pan, 2014). The cause for its stigma was rooted in the belief that “sound knowledge of Chinese would endow students with a status and position in society, whereas knowledge of English promised only an uncertain future” (Pan, 2014: 62). It was not until the late 1870s that the situation began to change when graduates from Tongwen Guan could gain positions within the civil service or diplomatic posts abroad (Spence, 1999).

The official attitude towards English was explicitly expressed in the slogans “Shi yi chang ji yi zhi yi (To learn from the barbarians to check barbarians)” and “Zhong xue wei ti, xi xue wei yong (Chinese knowledge as the foundation and western knowledge for utility)” (Pan, 2014: 61). English was assumed to be a weapon against imperialism and strengthen the nation. This utilitarian stance was seen in the establishment of official translation offices. By setting up official translation offices, the government could impose firm control over the spread of foreign languages in China

and prevent uncontrolled multilingualism, because in these official offices students were allowed to have exclusive access to foreign language resources while at the same time they were forced to learn the Chinese classics (particularly the Four Books and Five Classics) (Pan, 2014)

3.2.2 Language attitudes towards English in the Republic of China

During the years of the Republic of China (1912-1949), the general attitudes towards English were still ambivalent. This ambivalence was conspicuous in debates involving the role of English during the New Cultural Movement (cf. section 3.1.2). The role of English was mainly restricted to serving as “a useful tool similar to mathematics or physics and without any potential cultural implications” (Pan, 2014: 66). The traditionalists’ resistance to a wider role for English revealed their consciousness of potential cultural implications brought about by learning English and doubt of benefits of learning English even though English assumed the role of introducing new ideas from the West to China and the introduction of American educational system encouraged use of English in general. Despite the traditionalists’ resistance, American influence on language and popular culture was widespread in China (Adamson, 2004). Furthermore, the ruling party, the KMT, was very much pro-USA.

The expansion and setbacks of missionary schools reflected such ambivalent attitudes as well. On the one hand, the number of missionary schools increased, and a large number of students attended the missionary schools. On the other hand, missionary schools and colleges were seen as defenders of foreign control and privilege that went against the creation of national pride and identity, especially during the conflicts between China’s nationalists and foreign powers (Bolton, 2003; Deng, 1997). Many students quit the Christian colleges and staged demonstrations and protests against missionary education. In an effort to gain control, the local governments took measures to control education and many of the most important administrative positions in the Christian colleges had been taken over by Chinese staff.

3.2.3 Language attitudes towards English in the People’s Republic of China

On the whole, while language attitudes towards English in the People’s Republic of China continues to be ambivalent, positive attitudes outweigh the negative. But for the first three decades after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (1949-1976), the government’s attitudes towards English were more fluid than those of the previous regimes: the promotion and demotion of English hinges on China’s relations with the former Soviet Union, the US as well as the

perceptions of priorities (cf. section 3.1.3). Since the late 1970s, with the promotion of English across the whole nation, attitudes towards English have become more positive.

These growing positive attitudes towards English are evident from research conducted by Kirkpatrick and Xu (2002) as well as He and Li (2009). The two studies show that the recognition of a Chinese variety of English increases while the negative association of being exposed as Chinese decreases. Of 171 Chinese university students in Kirkpatrick and Xu’s (2002) study, 28.1% believe in the emergence of a Chinese variety of English while the same idea was shared by 60.5% of 998 participants (non-English majors and teachers of college English) in the study of He and Li (2009). Concerning the negative association of being exposed as Chinese, 60.8% indicate they care in the study of Kirkpatrick and Xu (2002). Comparatively, 53.2% in the study of He and Li (2009) indicate that they disapprove of being identified. The differences between the two studies from different times, 2002 and 2009, illustrate the changing attitudes of Chinese towards their identity, their increased confidence as non-native speakers, and their openness towards the idea of a Chinese variety of English.

Despite the increasing awareness for and acceptance of a Chinese variety of English, the majority of participants in the studies of Kirkpatrick and Xu (2002) and He and Li (2009) prefer an exonormative, native speaker-based model of English as a teaching model. The surveys conducted by Hu (2004; 2005) and Chen and Hu (2006) reveal the same preference for a pedagogical model. The preference for the exonormative model runs counter to the scholars’ call that a Chinese variety of English should be a legitimate model for ELT in China (He and Li, 2009; Hu, 2004; Xu, 2010). The contrast between people’s acceptance of a Chinese variety of English and their stated preference for an exonormative model of education implies that their attitudes towards a localized variety of English are still ambivalent.

The ambivalent attitudes are also reflected in the government and scholars’ concerns. The government, though promoting English, has remained attentive for its supposed potential influence on people’s behaviors and minds. The changes in the education policy of 2013 (cf. section 3.1.3) were understandably intended to promote Chinese language and culture, they could be to the detriment of English. Further, these last changes illustrate how the status of English in China has fluctuated constantly over the years due to variance in governments’ attitudes. Scholars like Niu and Wolff (2003) and Ruan (2002) have constantly voiced their concerns about the negative effects of learning English on the study of Chinese. Li (2000) even expresses his worry that the

internationalization of English is making Chinese a dialect, and thus he believes that English poses a threat to Chinese, given the dominance English holds in the age of the Internet.

The public, though enthusiastically learning English, does not seem to embrace the use of English in Chinese programs. Li Anqi, a Chinese-American woman, who is the wife of a former Chinese gymnast, Li Xiaopeng, persistently spoke English when she was interviewed by Chinese journalists or took part in Chinese TV programs even though she could speak Chinese fluently. Her language choice not only incurred the aversion of other guests but also caused great anger among common people on social media. Concerns about the possible negative effects of using English in China contrast with more positive attitudes towards English. This contrast between skepticism and positivism demonstrates that people’s attitudes towards English are still ambivalent in China.