Clasificación de la hipótesis

THE cold war led to a major expansion of the German scientist operation. Heretofore, Paperclip was limited to German and Austrian scientists who worked for the U.S. military. But beginning in the summer of 1947, a new JIOA project lifted those constraints. Code-named "National Interest," the individuals brought to the United States under this program ran the gamut from Nazi scientists, in-cluding a convicted Nazi war criminal, to East Europeans involved in CIA covert operations overseas. The sole standard for these transfers was that they be deemed in the national interest.

National Interest operated on two levels. The more visible level included the cases of German or Austrian scientists employed by universities, defense contractors, or private industry. Their entry was considered to be in the national in terest simply because it kept them from going to work for the Russians.

The second level was heavily cloaked in secrecy, and for good reason. The CIA and military intelligence used the project to bring intelligence sources or other assets to the United States, where they were given a safe haven in exchange for their services. In 1948 many of these individuals were of interest to the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC), the early covert action arm of the CIA, given the authority by Truman to conduct what is known in the intelligence trade as "dirty tricks." To put it bluntly, Project National Interest provided the escape mechanism to a haven in the United States that OSS chief William Donovan had wanted President Roosevelt to approve in 1944.1

National Interest policy assumed that all of these persons normally would have been barred from entry under U.S. immigration laws because of past Nazi or Communist party membership. Therefore, their entry was facilitated by the ninth proviso of the U.S. immigration law, which gave the attorney general the authority to admit cases with military implications or those affecting national security.

The CIA cases were covered by a section in the CIA Act of 1949, which allowed U.S. entry of up to one hundred individuals a year "without regard to their inadmissibility under the immigration or any other laws. . . ." The JIOA Governing Committee approved the entry in the CIA cases and passed the names on to the attorney general for approval.2

The aliens in National Interest, like those in Paperclip, were sent to Canada and reentered the United States as resident aliens. Numerous historians and journalists have told the nowfamous story of how Wernher von Braun and other Paperclip scientists were sent to Canada or Mexico and then reentered America. Yet not one has so much as mentioned the illegality of this or that Canadian officials were furious about it, since entry into Canada of these Nazis violated their own immigration laws.

In 1947, for example, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) reported that they had been duped by U.S. officials into believing that the Nazis' backgrounds were such as to allow their entry under Canadian laws, when in fact the opposite was true. "Some of these people are admitted members of the Nazi party and others, I am informed, have criminal records," one RCMP officer reported after conducting his own investigation. In addition, the Canadians suspected that U.S. and British intelligence falsified background checks sent to the RCMP of Nazi scientists and "defectors"

who were resettled in Canada in the 1950s. Following a 1981 investigation, Canadian officials uncovered evidence that some of these men were Nazi war criminals. As a result the Canadians thoroughly distrusted background checks conducted by the CIA and British intelligence. "No foreign agency should be considered a `reliable source' in the sense that its reports can be accepted uncritically," a RCMP report noted.³

Prevailing myth has it that the first group in National Interest, the German scientists, were employed solely because of their scientific expertise. But there were other reasons as well. First, defense contractors and universities could hire German scientists for substantially less money than they could American employees. Salary statistics show that the Germans signed contracts for

approximately $2,000 a year less than their American counterparts received in comparable positions.

Of course, the Germans were unaware of the salary discrepancy, since they had earned even less money in West Germany. The JIOA, however, took advantage of the situation by promoting cheap salaries to convince corporations to participate in the project. Second, because of the Joint Chiefs of Staff connection with the National Interest project, German scientists could obtain necessary security clearances more easily than could American scientists. Defense contractors looking for new em-ployees to work on classified projects found this aspect of National Interest to be particularly advantageous. By 1957, more than sixty companies were listed on JIOA's rosters, including Lockheed, W. R. Grace and Company, CBS Laboratories, and Martin Marietta.⁴

Originally the JIOA was concerned that National Interest would compete with Paperclip. This problem was solved by offering the military the first option to hire a German scientist on the JIOA's list. If the military was not interested in the individual, his name was added to the JIOA's National Interest roster and his services were offered to universities or corporations. The JIOA figured that it would be easy to keep private employers from hiring Paperclip scientists away from the military, since the JIOA could pull their federally funded research or defense contracts if they got out of line.⁵

The scientists who worked for universities or corporations were originally "sponsored" by either the Department of Commerce or the Department of Defense (Army, Air Force, or Navy). The Department of Commerce even sent its own recruiters to Germany. However, other than providing some help with the paperwork, this sponsorship was irrelevant: the individuals worked for and were paid by the universities or companies. The sponsorship did provide a way to meet JCS policy requirements of having some connection with the military or another governmental department. In the case of the second group, the sponsor provided a convenient cover to conceal the CIA-OPC connection.6

National Interest placed German scientists at major universities in research or teaching positions, regardless of their Nazi pasts. Even the U.S. Office of Education helped the JIOA send fliers to universities all over the country touting the advantages of hiring the Germans on federally financed research projects, since they could obtain security clearances more easily than Americans. The University of Texas, Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis, Missouri, and Boston University were among the participants.7

The universities never even questioned whether Nazi professors might impart a skewed view of democracy or otherwise harm young students. And university officials certainly were aware that these men were Nazis, since their Nazi affiliations were noted on their resumes. In 1948, a representative of the University of North Carolina told the JIOA how pleased he was to have three Germans, including engineer Adolf von Hoermann, working at the university and thanked the JIOA for its representations that the Germans had been screened. The JIOA's screening had revealed that von Hoermann was "a convinced adherent of the National Socialistic ideology" and had been a member of the Nazi party and four other Nazi organizations during the war.8

Still, there were angry disputes between American employees and Germans who still adhered to virulent Nazi views. One incident occurred at the Bechtel Corporation, where synthetic fuels expert Leonard Alberts worked under National Interest. Alberts had been a member of the SS, the Nazi party, the SA, and two other Nazi groups. He also had been a Gestapo informant in the Victor Works plant where he worked during the war. His job, as chief counterespionage agent for the Abwehr, was to uncover "spies and saboteurs" among the foreign forced laborers working at Victor and report them to the Gestapo. After he was brought to America under National Interest, Alberts changed jobs four times in two years as a result of American co-workers' complaints about his ardent nazism.⁹

The dispute at Bechtel occurred when the company learned that Alberts had failed to mention his SS and Abwehr connections on his forms. Alberts claimed that he did not recall his Nazi memberships, since "such matters were intrusted to my secretary." Bechtel officials also gave the FBI a pile of complaints from Alberts's co-workers and an Army security officer, Major Robert Humphries, who accused Alberts of being a security threat. Humphries told the FBI that Alberts "was and is a Nazi" and warned that he was "capable of dealing with Russia or any other group which

would pay for his technical knowledge." Despite these complaints, the JIOA disregarded Humphries as being "opinionated" and transferred Alberts to Blaw-Knox in Pittsburgh. By then the FBI had collected even more unfavorable reports on Alberts's character and pro-Nazi stance. JIOA officers eventually helped Alberts obtain permanent residency, despite derogatory reports, because they were afraid he would work for the Russians if returned to Germany.10

National Interest was merely an entry mechanism to get the person here first, ask questions later.

Because of that, there was a potential for an even greater internal security risk with these cases than with Paperclip, which at least provided some semblance of military custody. In addition to hard-core Nazis, National Interest cases included former members of the Communist party and the Italian Fascist party.

One German was an accused Nazi spy who, though brought to the United States to work for a New York optical company, promptly disappeared once he arrived. This should have come as no surprise, considering Goerz Langfeld's track record. Langfeld had lived in America in the late 1930s and worked for Eastman Kodak in Rochester, New York. The FBI suspected that Langfeld and several top U.S. businessmen were meeting with a notorious Nazi spy, who later was convicted of espionage. Langfeld left America in 1941, and reports of his wartime activities are conflicting.

Langfeld claimed on one form that he had gone to Tokyo as a "tourist." On another he said he had returned to Nazi Germany and joined the Luftwaffe. Yet another story was that he had worked for the German Naval headquarters in Berlin. One thing is certain: in late 1945 Army CIC agents thought he looked suspicious and threw him in jail. He was caught wearing a British uniform, brandishing a gun, and carrying falsified papers, including identity cards under several names.

Langfeld escaped soon after his arrest and, under yet another alias, obtained a job at the Office of Military Government for Bavaria's film division. By the time he was brought to the United States in 1952 his records revealed that he had used at least five different aliases.11

Even convicted Nazi war criminals were accepted under the project. Otto Ambros's case is by far the most brazen example of how National Interest circumvented U. S. immigration laws. The fact that W. R. Grace and Company, headed by J. Peter Grace, employed Ambros as a consultant for decades is well known. But newly declassified JIOA and U.S. Army documents shed new light on this sordid affair.12

During the war, Ambros was a director of I. G. Farben, the chemical company that owned a firm that manufactured Zyklon B, the gas used to kill millions of Jews in the camps. Ambros took part in the decision to use Zyklon B in the gas chambers and personally selected Auschwitz as the site of an 1. G. Farben factory, which he later managed, because Auschwitz concentration camp prisoners could be used as slaves in the factory. Nuremberg trial witnesses recalled the deplorable conditions under which Auschwitz prisoners were forced to work at Ambros's I. G. Farben Auschwitz plant.

"Thrashings, ill-treatment of the worst kind, even direct killings were the fashion," testified Rudolf Vitek, both a physician and an Auschwitz inmate. "The murderous work speed was responsible for the fact that while working many prisoners suddenly stretched out flat, turned blue, gasped for breath and died like beasts."13

I. G. Farben also manufactured nerve gas that was used in poison gas experiments on Auschwitz prisoners. These experiments, conducted in secret laboratories at I. G. Farben factories, were used to determine how fast nerve gas would kill Allied soldiers. The helpless victims of these experiments died instantly. According to British intelligence, Ambros and other I. G. Farben officials "justified the experiments not only on the grounds that the inmates of concentration camps would have been killed anyway by the Nazis, but also . . . that the experiments had a humanitarian aspect in that the lives of countless German workers were saved."14

Ambros was found guilty of slavery and mass murder at Nuremberg, but he was sentenced to a mere eight years' imprisonment. Chief prosecutor Josiah DuBois regarded the sentence as "light enough to please a chicken thief" and was so outraged that he wrote a scathing book about the men he called The Devil's Chemists. The JIOA had no such qualms and kept Ambros's name on JIOA hiring lists-even during his imprisonment. These lists were significant, since they contained the

names of German scientists who had been cleared for employment under various JIOA and British projects. In addition, these Germans' families received benefits, including food supplements, not available to average German citizens.15

In 1951, General Clay's successor, the High Commissioner of Germany (HICOG), John McCloy, released from prison many convicted Nazi war criminals, including Ambros. The Nazi chemist immediately was hired as a consultant by Grace, Dow Chemical, and other American companies, as well as the U. S. Army Chemical Corps under a consultancy project that was run administratively in Germany by HICOG-conveniently the same agency whose chief had just set Ambros free. The full details of Ambros's consultancy with the U.S. military are unknown. The e f f e c t of that work, however, is abundantly clear. During the time that Ambros was a consultant, the chemical corps, using Auschwitz documents as a guide, conducted the same type of poison gas experiments that had been done in the secret I. G. Farben laboratories. This time, however, the experiments were conducted at Edgewood Arsenal, Maryland, and the unfortunate guinea pigs were more than seven thousand American soldiers.16

In the 1950s Grace repeatedly tried to get the State Department to issue Ambros a visa but was turned down because he was a convicted Nazi war criminal. Then National Interest entered the picture, as it provided a way to bring otherwise excludable individuals to the United States under the attorney general's waiver provision. According to State sources, the Justice Department approved Ambros's entry and he visited the United States at least three times.17

The CIA's tremendous influence on National Interest and Paperclip has been ignored prior to this book. The CIA was formed as a separate intelligence agency as a result of the National Security Act of 1947. A year later, the Office of Policy Coordination began operating as the CIA's covert action arm, headed by Frank Wisner, formerly chief of OSS operations in the Balkans during World War II.

Wisner's OPC operated out of the State Department, which proved highly advantageous to the intelligence agents running Paperclip. His considerable influence in the State Department meant a more favorable climate, particularly since Samuel Klaus and other Paperclip detractors had been forced out of the picture. In addition,

Wisner handled the CIA investigations of individuals brought to America under all JIOA projects.

Considering the wellpublicized facts surrounding the CIA's own use of Nazi war criminals, it should not be surprising that the CIA name checks reported "no derogatory information."1⁸

Wisner also helped the JIOA obtain visas for Paperclip scientists. For example, in February 1948 Director of Intelligence Stephen Chamberlin met with Wisner to discuss JIOA's problems with Klaus and the Visa Department. Chamberlin told Wisner that around 350 Germans were still living in the United States under military custody, but they could not become permanent residents without State Department approval. "This condition has resulted in an unfavorable reaction on specialists' morale," Chamberlin said. He asked Wisner to accelerate the visas and to support JIOA's efforts to change Paperclip policy to enable the Germans to get visas before their arrival in America.1⁹

Less than a month later the State Department notified the JIOA that it would accelerate its processing of visas in the Paperclip cases. The new director of the Visa Department, Herve L'Heureux, also issued instructions to consuls in Germany that only major Nazi leaders would be barred from obtaining visas. By 1949 Paperclip scientists began to obtain visas prior to their arrival in the United States.20

The National Interest project provided a way to slip military or CIA intelligence assets into the country. The CIA group involved defectors or individuals who possessed information of significant intelligence value. JIOA officers passed on the names of the CIA group to the attorney general for final approval. "We just did the paperwork," recalled retired U.S. Army Colonel Bernard Geehan, who served on the JIOA from 1953 to 1957. But that approval process was crucial, because the law was designed to admit people who otherwise would be inadmissible. As one CIA attorney admitted in 1979, the provision allowing the CIA to bring a hundred persons to the United States waived all grounds of exclusion, so theoretically, drug traffickers or persons convicted of serious crimes could be admitted into the country under the law. The sole consideration for entry was that the aliens had

performed significant services for the United States or had the potential for performing those services in the future. In some instances those services included working in CIA covert operations overseas.²1

Some of these aliens had escaped to the West via an "underground railway" operated by a special unit of intelligence agents in Berlin. "We get some hot customers, hot with the breath of the Russian pursuers on their necks," one unidentified agent told T h e N e w Y o r k T i m e s in 1947. The agents smuggled scientists, politicians, intelligence sources, and other individuals through Eastern Europe, using various modes of transportation and disguises to sneak them past Russian guards to the American or British zones of Germany.22

The aliens' backgrounds were varied. Some were Germans employed by U. S. intelligence at Camp King in Germany. Others were former Italian Fascists, including a wealthy businessman whom the JIOA was reluctant to approve for U.S. entry because his dubious business methods already had been an obstacle to negotiating a consultancy contract with the U.S. Air Force. Many were defectors, such as General Izydor Modelski, former military attache with the Polish Embassy in Washington. Another defector, Peter Pirogov, was a Soviet Air Force officer who flew a jet plane out of the Ukraine to Austria, where he crash-landed and turned himself over to the Americans. According to JIOA records, the U.S. Air Force sponsored Pirogov's U. S. entry under National Interest. He then worked as a consultant for the Air Force and as a scriptwriter for the CIA-funded Radio Liberty.23

The aliens' backgrounds were varied. Some were Germans employed by U. S. intelligence at Camp King in Germany. Others were former Italian Fascists, including a wealthy businessman whom the JIOA was reluctant to approve for U.S. entry because his dubious business methods already had been an obstacle to negotiating a consultancy contract with the U.S. Air Force. Many were defectors, such as General Izydor Modelski, former military attache with the Polish Embassy in Washington. Another defector, Peter Pirogov, was a Soviet Air Force officer who flew a jet plane out of the Ukraine to Austria, where he crash-landed and turned himself over to the Americans. According to JIOA records, the U.S. Air Force sponsored Pirogov's U. S. entry under National Interest. He then worked as a consultant for the Air Force and as a scriptwriter for the CIA-funded Radio Liberty.23