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3. CONTEXTO HISTÓRICO DEL FENÓMENO

3.2. El desarrollo histórico de las maras

3.2.3. Coexistencia con la guerra

This subsection reviews the non-phonological factors that affect the integration of loanwords. Although this study focuses on the phonological adaptation of loanwords, it is necessary to shed some light on other factors that affect the adaptation process. Such factors would clarify why some loanwords show exceptional behaviour and do not follow the mainstream adaptation processes.

Loanwords are usually required to conform to the phonological, morphological and syntactic rules/constraints of L1 to the extent that they become integrated into native phonology through a gradual and a complicated process. However, there are conflicting demands on borrowers to keep the borrowed form as much similar as possible to the source form but at the same time abide by L1 grammar (Kenstowicz 2007; Paradis & LaCharite 2011). This process involves not only linguistic factors but also extra-linguistic ones (cf. Paradis & LaCharite 1997, 2011; Kertész 2006; Smith 2006; Mwita 2009; Kang 2011).

Below is a list of the most common extra-linguistic factors that affect the adaptation process.

1. Degree of bilingualism 2. Prestige and attitudes 3. Frequency of use 4. Age of borrowing 5. Quantity of loanwords 6. Channel of borrowing

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The rate of bilingualism correlates negatively with degree of adaptation. Generally, the more bilingual a community is, the less adapted loanwords are, which results in more direct importations15

(Paradis & LaCharite 1997, 2011). In this regard, Haugen (1950) identifies three types of bilingual communities that are relevant to the degree of integration of loanwords in L1. In pre-bilingual communities, where a small number of bilinguals are available, borrowers adapt loanwords in an unsystematic way. There are no regular patterns that govern the adaptation process and substitution of foreign elements is considerably high. In adult bilingualism, there is growing knowledge of L2 and adaptations become more regular and systematic and borrowers tend to import more L2 features. Finally, childhood bilingualism witnesses a high level of L2 knowledge and therefore systematic, regular patterns appear where many importations are introduced into L1 (Haugen 1950: 216-217, 1953). For example, Paradis & LaCharite (2011: 763) show that Quebec French has more importations of English loanwords than European French as the rate of bilingualism in Quebec is higher.

The speech community in Amman can be described as pre-bilingual until the 1970s (cf. Butros 1963; Sawaie 2007) that has been turning into adult bilingualism recently due to spread of education, telecommunications, trade, etc. It should be borne in mind that even under adult bilingualism, bilinguals‘ competence in L2 will vary greatly. Moreover, bilingualism in Jordan is much more restricted to reading and writing (cf. Atawneh 2007). Many people can only read English script as they study English in schools but their other skills are so limited. I believe that this very much affects the adaptation process as many words might be introduced by false bilinguals whose input to L2 is mainly orthographic. In effect, the non-uniformity of bilinguals‘ proficiency in L2 may lie behind the phonetic and phonological nature of the adaptation process (cf. Chang 2008).16

Secondly, prestige of the donor language and recipient language speakers‘ positive attitudes towards the source language correlate positively with importations (Mwita 2009; Paradis & LaCharite 2011). If L1 speakers hold the source language in high

15Importations refer to non-native forms that escape adaptation. 16

Due to these complications, this dissertation focuses on the adaptation of syllabic and prosodic features as these aspects are not usually imported into L1 under pre-bilingualism and adult bilingualism. In fact, they are imported only under child bilingualism (Haugen1950; Rose 1999).

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regard, they tend to retain more elements of its structure. This is also related to loyalty and nationalism. If borrowers feel committed to their L1 and have strong feelings toward their mother tongue, loanwords will undergo more adaptations to sound less foreign (cf. Winford 2010: 178). In Amman, I dare say that English has a prestigious status and social attitudes are rather positive (cf. Atawneh 2007; Bani-Khaled 2014). Quantity of loans also affects the degree of adaptation. The more loans in the speech community there are, the more likely importations are to appear (cf. Crawford 2009). When more loanwords enter L1, there might appear a set of conventions that regulate the adaptation process as in Japanese (ibid). This could apply to AA due to increasing bilingualism; therefore, the present study will focus on loanwords that are accessible only to monolinguals to control for such distracting factors

Frequency of use of a loanword has a bearing on the adaptation process. The more frequent a word is, the more adapted it will be (Poplack & Sankoff 1984). The frequent use of a loanword in an L1 context turns it into a well-established loanword that fits well into L1 phonological, morphological and syntactic grammar. A related factor is age of attestation of a loanword. The longer a word has been in the language, the more it is fully integrated (Haspelmath & Tadmor 2009). An old loanword might undergo native phonological change and become completely undistinguishable from native ones (Paradis & LaCharite 2011). This explains why established loanwords show different degrees of adaptation: well-integrated and partially-integrated loanwords (Morandini 2007). Note that when words are first introduced they are usually more faithful to the source if they are introduced by bilinguals, who have access to the source. However, when monolinguals start using them they adapt them more to the native phonology.

Finally, the channel of borrowing affects the outcome of the adaptation process. Whether a loanword is introduced into L1 orally or via writing will definitely influence its realisation in L1. Although sociolinguistic studies point out that loanwords are borrowed mainly orally (Paradis & LaCharite 2011: 765), it is still possible that loanwords enter L1 through writing especially when bilingualism is relatively low. In this case, orthography will play a major role in the adaptation process (see §3.3.2 for the role of orthography).

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To summarize, the above factors affect the way a loanword is realised in the recipient language. That is, although loanwords are expected to generally conform to L1 phonological constraints, still some words might escape this due to non-phonological factors. Consequently, the present study will deal with loanwords that are accessible to monolinguals only and will focus on patterns of adaptation excluding idiosyncratic cases.

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