3.3 NECESIDADES DE FORMACIÓN DOCENTE
3.3.2 Competencias profesionales
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Fig. 5.23 Government phonology account of progressive assimilation N O N N O N O N
X X X X X►X X X
n n e kw u ụ̄ b a
nnekwu ụ̄ba → [nne͂ kwu ↓úba]
The vowel ‘u’ is the governor in the above analysis, while ‘ụ’ is the governee. They maintain strict locality condition because they are at adjacency position without any intervening segment.
Finally, it is evident from our data that progressive assimilation can occur within a word and at word boundadry. All instances of progressive assimilation observed from the data are also examples of complete assimilation except progressive assimilation involving elision and coalescent assimilation which are instances of partial assimilation.
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Within a word, coalescent assimilation can occur at CVCV or NCVCV syllable structure between the vowel of the first syllable and and consonant of the second syllable. Once this occurs, the vowel of the second syllable is completely influenced by the coalesced segment to take up its features. This instance is found in lines 58 of Awkuzu woman’s speech; gbànye [gbɪ̀ɪ], 4 of Awkuzu man’s speech; kùnye m̄ [kìi ↓ḿ], 4 of Ogbunikē man’s speech e.g. kùnye m̄ [kii ↓ḿ], 42 of Anàkụ̀ woman’s speech e .g. m̀manya becomes [m̀mɪ͂a], 43 of Umùòlum̄ man’s speech e.g.
mmanya [mmɪ͂a], 50 of Ìfìte Ọ̄gwarị̀ man’s speech e.g. m̀manya [m̀mɪ͂a], 40 and 49 of Ụmụ̀m̀boō
woman’s speech e .g. m̀manya [m̀mɪ͂a] and mụ̀nye [mɪ͂̀ɪ]; 41 and 42 of Àgụ̀lerì woman and girl respectively e.g. mmanya[mmɪ͂a], 33 of Ìkem man 2’s speech e.g. mmanya [mmɪ͂a].
All the examples show that the coalesced segment is usually i/ị depending on the VH group of the final vowel of the first word. Also, all the data show that the coalesced segment influences the vowel of the syllable which consonant is involved in coalescent assimilation to agree in harmony with it.
Based on the observations from the data, it could be posited that:
i. Coalescent assimilation in Igbo speech communities of Omambala involves the final vowel of the first word and initial /j/ sound of the pronoun ya /ja/ ‘his/her/its’; and within a word, it
involves the vowel of the first or second syllable and the consonant of second or third syllable, as the case may be, (usually /ɲ/) as in lines 40 & 49 of Ụmụ̀m̀boō woman’s speech where m̀manya→ [m̀mɪ͂a] & mụ̀ny e→ [mɪ͂̀ɪ].
ii. the coalesced segment is i/ị depending on the VH group of final vowel involved in coalescent assimilation.
iii. the vowel of the second word or second or third syllable whose consonant is affected by coalescent assimilation agrees in harmony with the coalesced segment.
When the vowels in the first words are [–ATR] vowels, two sounds at juncture coalesce to /ị/. The vowel of the second word whose initial consonant is affected by coalescent assimilation remains a [–ATR] vowel in harmony with the coalesced segment. This is exemplified with data from the following speech communities:
138. a. Ogbunikē (i) àfè akwụkwọ yā
[àfà aʊkwɪ ↓á]
“her/his school uniform”
(ii) afà ya [afɪ̀ a]
“his/her/its name”
149 (iii) ụnọ̀ ya
[ʊnɪ͂̀ a]
“his/her/its house”
b. Ànam̀ (i) àvè akwụkwọ ā
[àvà aakwị ↓á]
“her/his school uniform”
(ii) avà ya [avɪ̀ a]
“his/her/its name”
When the vowels of the first words are [+ATR] vowels, the two sounds at juncture coalesce to /i/
while the vowel of the second word whose consonant is affected by coalescent assimilation and which belongs to [–ATR] vowel group is influenced by the coalesced segment to change to [+ATR] vowel /e/ in harmony with the coalesced segment. This is exemplified below:
139. Ànam̀ (i) wèli yā [wèli ↓é]
“take it”
(ii) ive yā [ivi ↓é]
“his/her belongings”
When the vowels of the first word are from both [–ATR] and [+ATR] vowel groups, the two sounds at juncture coalesced to /i/ if the final vowel of the first word is a [+ATR] vowel, while the vowel of the second word whose consonant is affected by coal A and which belongs to [–ATR]
vowel group takes the feature of [+ATR] vowel /e/ in harmony with the coalesced segment. The two sounds at juncture, however, coalesce to /ị/ when the final vowel of the first word is a [–ATR]
vowel and the vowel of the second word whose consonant is affected by coal A remains a [–ATR]
vowel in harmony with the coalesced segment. Examples are presented below:
140 a. Ogbunikē (i) wèta yā [wètɪ ↓á]
“bring it”
(ii) àfè ya [àfi e]
“her dress”
150 b. Àna m̀ (i) àvè ya
[àvi e]
“her dress”
c. Ụmụ̀m̀boō woman, line 50: àvè ya [àvì e ] “her/his clothe”
d. Ìfìte Ọ̄gwarị̀ man in lines
10: èmefụta yā [ème͂ fʊtɪ ↓á] ‘do it’
43: wèta yā [weti ↓é ] ‘bring it’
The description also show that when the first words have NCV syllable structure where the vowel is either from [–ATR] vowel group or [+ATR] vowel group, the two sounds at juncture coalesced to /ɪ/ or /i/ depending on the VH group of the final vowel of the first word. The vowel of the second word whose consonant is affected by coal A is influenced to agree in harmony with the coalesced segment. Below are examples from some speech communities:
141 a. Ogbunikē man: (i) nne yā [nni ↓é]
‘his/her/its mother’
(ii) nnà ya [nnɪ̀ a]
‘his/her/its father’
b. Ụmụ̀m̀boō woman in line 48 e.g. ṅa yā [ŋɪ͂ ↓á] “her/his child”
Coalescent assimilation as witnessed in our data can formally be captured using P-rule. Two rules are involved and they are linearly ordered: the coalescence rule and feature changing rule. The rules are:
Rule 44: P-rules analysis of coalescent assimilation
a. +syll Ø +Sonorant V Ø - Consonantal # +Continuant V Ø + high # Ø V - back - back
1 2 3 4 1 3 2 4
b. V V
V α ATR α ATR _____ #
151 Interpretations:
a. A word final or medial vowel and the following consonant coalesce to a high front vowel.
b. Vowels agree in harmony with the preceding vowel.
Coalescent assimilation can also be analysed using autosegmental phonology model as follows:
Figures 5.24: Autosegmental phonology analysis of coalescent assimilation
Analysis 1: [-ATR] Vowel Group a. [aʊkwɪ ↓á] ‘his/her book’
assimilation tier: ɪ
segmental tier: a ʊkwͻ y a a ʊ kwͻ y a a ʊkwɪ a → →
skeletal tier: VVCV C V V V C VCV VV CVV
[aʊkwɪ ↓á] ‘his/her book’
b. [ʊnɪ̀ a] ‘his/her/its house’
assimilation tier: ɪ
segmental tier: ʊ n ͻ y a ʊ n ͻ y a ʊ n ɪ a → →
skeletal tier: VCV CV VC V CV V CVV
[ʊnɪ̀ a] ‘his/her/its house’
c. [avɪ̀ a] ‘his/her/its name’
assimilation tier: ị
segmental tier: a v a y a a v a y a a v ị a → →
skeletal tier: VCVCV VCVCV V CVV
[avɪ̀ a] ‘his/her/its name’
Analysis 2: [+ATR] Vowel Group a. [ivi ↓é] “his/her belongings”
assimilation tier: i e
segmental tier: i v e y a i v e y a i v i a i v i e → → →
skeletal tier: VC VCV V CVCV V CVV VC V V
[ivi ↓é] “his/her belongings”
152 b. [u↓gbí e] “his/her belongings”
assimilation tier: i e
segmental tier: ugb o y a ugbo y a u gbi a u gb i e → → →
skeletal tier: V C V C V VCVC V VC VV V C V V
[u↓gbí e] “his/her belongings”
Analysis 3: [-ATR] Vowel Group and +ATR Vowel Group [àvì e] ‘her dress’
assimilation tier: i e
segmental tier: a v e y a a v e y a a v i a a v i e → → →
skeletal tier: V C VCV VC VCV VCV V VCVV
[àvì e] ‘her dress’
Analysis 4: NCV Syllable Structure a. [nni ↓é] ‘his/her/its mother’
assimilation tier: i e
segmental tier: n n e y a n n e y a n n i a n n i e → → →
skeletal tier: NCV CV N CVC V NCV V N CVV
[nni ↓é] ‘his/her/its mother’
b. [nnɪ̀ a] ‘his/her/its father’
assimilation tier: ị
segmental tier: n n a y a n n a y a n n ị a → →
skeletal tier: N CVCV NCVCV N CVV
[nnɪ̀ a] ‘his/her/its father’
The vowels in the first words in analysis 1 (a – c) of figure 5.24 are [–ATR] vowels. The analyses show that two sound segments at juncture coalesced to /ɪ/ because the final vowels of the first words are [–ATR] vowels. The vowel of the second word whose initial sound segment is affected by coalescent assimilation remains a [–ATR] vowel in harmony with the coalesced sound
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segment. In analysis 2(a–b), the vowels of the first words are [+ATR] vowels. The two sound segments at juncture coalesced to /i/ because the final vowels of the first words are [+ATR]
vowels, while the vowel of the second word whose initial sound segment is affected by coalescent assimilation and which belongs to [–ATR] vowel group is ‘forced’ to change to [+ATR] vowel /e/
in harmony with the coalesced sound segment. For the analysis 3, the vowels of the first word are from [–ATR] and [+ATR] vowel groups. The two sound segments at juncture coalesced to /i/
because the final vowel of the first word is a [+ATR] vowel, while the vowel of the second word whose initial sound segment is affected by coalescent assimilation and which belongs to [–ATR]
vowel group is ‘forced’ to change to [+ATR] vowel /e/ in harmony with the coalesced sound segment. In analysis 4(a–b), the first words have NCV syllable structure where the vowel is either from [–ATR] vowel group or [+ATR] vowel group. The analysis reveals that in 4(a), the two sound segments at juncture coalesced to /i/ because the final vowel of the first word is a [+ATR]
vowel and the vowel of the second word whose initial sound segment is affected by coalescent assimilation and which belongs to [–ATR] group is ‘forced’ to change to [+ATR] vowel /e/ in harmony with the coalesced sound segment; In 4(b), the two sound segments at juncture coalesced to /ɪ/ because the final vowel of the first word is a [–ATR] vowel and the vowel of the second word whose initial sound segment is affected by coalescent assimilation remains a [–ATR] vowel in harmony with the coalesced sound segment.
A government phonology account of coalescent assimilation can also be given; an indication that the process obeys government phonology e.g.
Fig. 5.25 Government phonology account of coalescent assimilation within a word
N N P1
N O N O N
X X X↔ X
In this analysis, neither the vowel of the second syllable nor the consonant of the third syllable could govern each other. They now coalesce to something else which is usually a vowel. The coalesced segment now stays at adjacency position with the final vowel which projects to the next
X
m m a ny a
m̀manya→ [m̀mɪ͂a]
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level to be governed by the coalesced segment such that it partially takes some features of the coalesced segment.
Fig. 5.26 Government phonology account of coalescent assimilation across word boundary
N N P1
N O N O N
X X X↔ X
Elision is another phonological process found in the speech communities investigated. From the speech communities investigated, there are instances of consonant, vowel, syllabic nasal and
X
n n e y a nne yā [nni ↓é]
The analysis in figure 5.26 is just like the one in figure 5.25. It shows that neither the final vowel of the first word nor the consonant of the pronoun ya could govern each other such that they coalesce to something else (usually a vowel). The coalesced segment now stays at adjacency position with the vowel of the pronoun which projects to the next level to be governed by the coalesced segment. This makes it to partially take some features of the coalesced segment.
Regressive assimilation, progressive assimilation and coalescent assimilation could be analysed using the generative phonology, autosegmental phonology and government phonology. The generative phonology is able to generate rules, which clearly provide information on the sound that influences another sound as a result of which the sound so influenced drops part of or all its features and take part or all the features of the sound that influences it, especially for regressive assimilation and progressive assimilation. However, the generative phonology requires generating a lot of rules and the rules undergoing many transformations. The autosegmental phonology has also through the association lines shown the sound that influences another sound, while the government phonology has demonstrated that assimilation is a natural occurrence whereby the sound that influences another is the governor and the sound influenced is the governee. The autosegmental phonology and government phonology appear simpler in analyzing assimilation in Ọmambala Igbo than the generative phonology.