Comportamiento de la empresa

Out of the nine provinces that make up South Africa, the fieldwork was conducted in three provinces, namely, Gauteng, Mpumalanga, and Western Cape provinces. These three provinces were selected, firstly, because of the high concentration of both commercial mainstream and alternative media institutions within them. Secondly, Gauteng province, known to accommodate such cities and towns as Johannesburg, Pretoria, and Soweto plays a pivotal role as the political administrative seat of South

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Africa. Mpumalanga province, because of the high concentration of English, Afrikaans, as well as black business establishments in it, has continued to serve as one of the major seats of entrepreneurship and industrialization in South Africa. Western Cape, in turn, has over the years remained the seat, not only of prominent media establishments, but also of legislative debates, rulings, and administration in South Africa. All three provinces have, in one way or another, over the past years generated tremendous resources (legislative, human, technological, and financial) to strengthen media democratization, policy formations, and the practice of alternative journalism in South Africa. Though there is a very wide range of community media institutions and media regulators operating from within the three provinces, only a few were selected in the course of my “full-scale” investigation, to represent three media sectors (the press, the broadcasting, and the screen). Respondents were chosen for interviews from the following alternative media institutions:

• CTP–Caxton’s Johannesburg North Community Newspapers (Gauteng Province);

• The Voice of Wits (90.5FM) and Wits Radio Academy of the University of Witwatersrand (Gauteng Province);

• The Mail and Guardian Newspaper (Gauteng Province);

• Jozi (105.8) FM, a community radio station in Soweto (Gauteng Province); • The Lowveld/Leaveld Media, originally an Afrikaans newspaper organization

that currently belongs under the CTP – Caxton Group (Mpumalanga Province). • Bush Radio (89.5FM), a geographic community radio (Western Cape Province); • Cape Town Community Television (CTCTV), the only surviving genuine

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• The Voice of Cape (100.4FM Stereo), an Islamic-interest-based community radio station (Western Cape Province); and,

• The Christian Community Radio (CCFM) Station (Western Cape Province).

The choices were premised, not only on the pioneering role some of these stations played in citizenship activism of the 80’s and early-90’s, but also on their continuing importance, in the twenty-first century, as centres of public debates, education, campaigns, and activism for the purpose of reforms. The inclusion of Mail and Guardian, an institution that is not strictly a community media institution or a mainstream establishment was informed by its closer affinity with alternative media establishments in terms of politics and practice orientations.

I was also privileged to hold a brief telephone conversation with Martin Botha, a media activist and film critic; as well as a brief face-to-face (to be followed by a telephone) conversation with Professor Franz Krüger, the Director of Journalism and Media Studies of the University of Witwatersrand.

Respondents drawn from among media regulators and industry organizations in South Africa included:

• The South African Screen Federation (SASFED) - a federation of independent audio-visual practitioners and institutions;

• The National Film and Video Foundation (NFVF), one of the three institutions that support the development of the film industry;

• The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA), the principal regulator of broadcasting, telecommunications, and postal services; • The Film and Publication Board (FPB), the main regulator of the print and

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• The Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA), the body mandated to oversee the development of the small broadcasting, print and New Media sectors; and,

• The National Community Radio Fund (NCRF), the umbrella body for community radio practitioners and institutions.

Apart from the FPB whose head office is located in Cape Town, the headquarters of others are located within the Gauteng province. However, entry into these regulatory and development institutions for interviews (except SASFED and NFVF) was generally frustrating due to administrative bottlenecks or the unwillingness of their officers earlier contacted to cooperate in the research process, caused perhaps by the culture of ‘spiral of silence’ (Noelle-Neumann, 1974/93) that is increasingly creeping into public institutions in South Africa or by my inability to conduct a “pilot” fieldwork in South Africa to enable me to build wider social contacts. Most respondents equally admit of having difficulties in gaining access into the offices of media regulators (especially ICASA) due to the ‘closed-door’ administrative initiatives they have recently adopted. In spite of the entry-related frustration, generally a reasonable level of success was recorded in my field investigation in South Africa.

4.2.1.2 Ghana

Ghana is made up of ten regions: Volta, Ashanti, Eastern, Central, Western, Northern, Upper East, Upper West, Brong-Ahafo, and Greater Accra Regions. Out of the ten regions, the ‘sites’ of field research were selected from the Central, Western, Volta, and Great Accra regions. Respondents were selected from the following alternative media institutions:

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• Coastal Television, the only community television in Ghana located in the Cape Coast (Central region);

• Radio Peace (88.9MHz-FM), a decentered community radio station located in Winneba (Central region);

• Radio Ada (93.3FM), a development-oriented community radio station located in Big Ada (Great Accra/Volta region);

• Universe Radio (105.7FM), a pioneer educational radio station that belongs to the University of Ghana, East Legon–Accra (Great Accra region);

• Film Africa and TV Africa Limited, a culturally-oriented independent free-on- air audio-visual company owned by Kwaw Ansah (Great Accra region);

• Ghana Palaver, a locally-based newspaper with national outreach published by

Revalap Publishers and Suppliers Limited (New Weija, Western region);

• Enquirer Newspaper, a locally-based political publication of Focal Media Limited that has a national outreach (Tesano, Great Accra region);

I also had opportunities of speaking directly with some media activists and academics:

• Mr. Alex Quarmyne of Radio Ada and Ghana Community Radio Network (GCRN);

• Mrs. Vincentia Akwetey, the Dean of Studies of the National Film and Television Institute (NAFTI);

• Miss. Ramatu M. Dadzie, the Head of Designs Department of NAFTI;

• Albert T. Lutterodt, Head of Audience Research of Ghana Broadcast Corporation (GBC) who provided one with a few documents only;

• Retired Professor Kwame Karikari of the Media Foundation of West Africa, an advocacy private company (Great Accra region);

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• David Kwesi Ghartey-Tagoe of Radio Peace and a one-time Director General of GTV (Central region); and

• Retired Professor Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh of the Communications Department of the University of Accra, East Legon (Great Accra region).

I also had face-to-face conversations with representatives of regulatory institutions and industry organizations:

• Edmund Yirenkyi Fianko, the Manager of the Engineering Section of the National Communications Authority (NCA) and the Secretary of the Digital Broadcasting Migration Committee (DBMC);

• Ms. Paula Sanziri, the Administration Officer of the National Media Commission (NMC), the legally mandated regulator of media contents in Ghana;

• Mrs. Wilna Quarmyne, the Coordinator of Ghana Community Radio Network (GCRN);

• Fara Jim Awindor of the Ghana Academy of Film and Television Arts (GAFTA), the purported organizer of the film and television sectors; and

• Bright Blewu, the Executive Secretary of Ghana Journalist Association and the Director of the Ghana Press Center.

Unlike South Africa, there wasn’t much difficulty connecting with respondents from media regulatory institutions in Ghana; except for lack of sufficient time to speak with them due to their other commitments.

4.2.1.3 Nigeria

Nigeria is made up of six geopolitical zones with the exception of Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT): North central; North Eastern; North Western; South Southern;

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South Western; and South Eastern. Out of these geopolitical zones, respondents were selected from Abuja; South Western; and South Southern zones. These three zones are known for high concentration of media and political institutions. Abuja (FCT) currently remains, not only the administrative and political seat of government, but also the principal operational center for a host of media establishments and regulators in Nigeria. The traditionally Yoruba language-speaking South Western zone has also been known as the hub of media-related activism in the country. The oil-rich South Southern zone, in turn, has for the past few decades become the center of intensive social movements and oil revenue-related militancy for the purpose of grassroots developments (cf. Osaghae, 2010). I could not visit media and regulatory institutions within Northern geopolitical zones due to the high level of insecurity brought about by the violent and terrorist activities of Boko Haram, an Islamic fundamentalist group.

Respondents in Nigeria were therefore drawn from the following alternative media institutions:

• Media Trust Limited, an English and Hausa-language publisher of four alternative titles with local as well as national circulation outreach (Abuja, FCT);

• The Social Communications Department of the Catholic Archdiocese of Abuja, the publisher of the faith-based Good Shepherd Newspaper and the producer of various audio and audio-visual materials for circulations through friendly mainstream radio and television stations (Abuja, FCT);

• Unilag (103.1) FM, an educational radio station of the University of Lagos (South Western zone).

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• Insight Service and Communication Network, a locally-based publisher of three community newspapers (South Southern zone).

One was also able to have a face-to-face conversation with a few academics and media activists:

• Professor Andrew Moemeka of the Covenant University, Ogun State (South Western zone); and

• Rev. Fr. Dr. George Ehusani, the former Secretary General of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria (Abuja, FCT).

There were also opportunities to hold face-to-face conversations with representatives of media regulators and industry organizations:

• Mr. Mudashiru Bayo Atoyebi, the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Press Council (NPC), the regulator of the press industry in collaboration with the Nigerian Press Organization;

• Mark A. Ojiah, the Executive Secretary of the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), the principal regulator of broadcasting frequency;

• Mr. Tom Chatta, the Director of Broadcast Policy & Research of NBC; • Armstrong Idachaba, the Senior Assistant of the Director General of NBC; • Obiora Chukwumba, Senior Assistant to the Director General of the National

Film and Video Censor Board (NFVCB), the legislated regulator of the audio- visual content.

• Patricia Paulina Bala, the Director of Film Verification of NFVCB; • L. Nnamdi Njenanze, the Director of Research & Documentation of NPC; • Onwurah Ifyeanyi, the Chairman of the Actors Guild of Nigeria (Abuja Branch),

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• Mr. Akin Akingbulu, the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Community Radio Coalition (NCRC), the central coordinating body for community broadcasting in the country.

Just like Ghana, there was little difficulty in connecting with respondents from the regulatory and industry organizations in Nigeria. However, the effectiveness of the case study process in generating the needed information did not depend only on the choice of microsocial units and respondents, but also on how one was able to draw on the benefits of well tested and established qualitative research strategies and priorities.

4.2.2 Methodological Strategies

The methodological strategies adopted for research included oral interviews, questionnaire, direct participant observations, and documentary study and analysis. The adoption of multiple sources of evidence was intended to provide multiple measures of the same research objectives/questions (Gray, 2004).

4.2.2.1 Oral Interviews

The oral interviews are semi-structured conversations aimed to address a set of issues, guided only by a pre-prepared list of questions (Gray, 2004). The justifications for the adoption of this strategy, among others, rests on its potency to enable me connect personally with respondents so as to directly appraise their perceptions, opinions, feelings, and attitudes in relation to the research variables; to allow respondents express themselves freely and in details; to allow for probing of views to elicit new responses and expand answers; to offer extensive data for analyzing my research questions; and to enable an effective management of the conversation to meet the research objectives. Thus, the semi-structured interviews did not require any written responses; except where interviewees needed to provide additional information through emails after my

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departures from the research ‘fields’. The pre-set ‘open-ended’ questions meant to guide the process were forwarded to respondents before the interview dates to enable them prepare for interviews. Only a few were delivered on the spot due to quick alterations of some cases or as a result of respondents’ delays in accessing their emails prior to the agreed interview dates.

The pre-prepared questions were generally designed to address eleven important themes, most of which are related to the already established research questions: background information on interviewees and on the institutions they represent; the current state of community media; the situation of community media before 1990; and the nature of horizontal relationship between community media and civil society organizations (and NGOs) or of vertical relationship among community media organizations, government and mainstream media establishments and how these impact on activism for policy reforms. Others are the key policy issues that community media journalists hold against governments and/or mainstream establishments; the current rules that shape and control media practice in general; the implications of the current rules to small media practices and locally-oriented cultural productions; the platforms of participation of community media groups in media policy debates and decisions on regional and national levels; the central coordinating structures for community media initiatives; the existing internal democratic frameworks for management and editorial policy decisions of small media institutions; and the potential for external and bureaucratic influences on community contents productions. There was also room for free personal comments by interviewees (See a copy in Appendix B).

In the framing of the aide-mémoire questions and in the conducting of the interviews, consideration was also given to safety and ethical issues. For example, efforts were made through a letter from the School of Arts and Creative Industries to obtain the

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consent of interviewees in providing non-confidential information prior to the interviews (See Appendix A for sample). Interviewees were also assured that the results of the interviews would be used purely for the purpose of academic research and that no harm would come to their persons as a result of the interviews. To ensure that their confidentiality would be respected and harm avoided, it was explained to them at the beginning of each interview that they could refuse answer to any questions they were not comfortable with. Interviewees were also given opportunities to indicate if they would want their names to be mentioned when research findings would be summarized and analyzed.

Occasionally prior to interviews, the pre-set questions were slightly modified or their number further reduced to meet the time-related needs of specific interviewees. Sometimes the questioning order was varied to fit the flows and directions of some interviews. As new issues emerged, especially in relation to media regulations, additional questions were also introduced to address those issues. The need for respondents to further expand on their previous answers either through telephone or email exchanges was also allowed.

Essentially vital to the interview process was the use of journals, a camera, and an audio recorder to help in the gathering and preservation of data. Before using the electronic devices, one always sought the permission of respondents or their agents. This was in addition to a personal commitment to prepare for each interview the night before the agreed date.

While some of the interviews ran nearly into two hours, a few others took only one hour to complete. Only the interviews with Patrick Alumuku, Andrew Moemeka, George Ehusani, Martin Botha, and Franz Kruger lasted less than forty minutes. Throughout the

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course of oral interviews, my role was to encourage the interviewees to tell their own story guided mostly by the pre-set questions and without much interruptions. Interruptions were made only where one needed to ask a few additional questions in order to clarify areas of ambiguity in relation to issues raised; where there was need to return to an aspect that had not been sufficiently addressed; or where one needed to manage the flow and the time of discussion to ensure success. But generally the maintenance of neutrality with regards to respondents’ perception and expression of issues was sustained.

Nonetheless, the full transcriptions of interviews after one’s return from the ‘fields’ were found to be cumbersome and time-consuming. Yet, between end of May and early September 2012, all recorded oral interviews were successfully transcribed from audio into paper form to enable a careful selection of data to address research questions from the enormous respondents’ comments recorded.

4.2.2.2 Questionnaire

In addition to oral interviews, a questionnaire was designed to elicit written answers from a wide spectrum of community media practitioners. The primary aim was to enable me capture the views of employees of community media institutions that could not be orally interviewed, due to the relationship between the sheer strength of their number and the limited time I had available to complete my field investigations. The questionnaire was not administered to representatives of media regulators, coalition groups, and to media activists because the design of the questions was not targeted at them. Also the questionnaire was never used during the “pilot” fieldwork; it was applied only during the “full-scale” phase of the research.

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The questionnaire comprised a set of 17 questions (some ‘open-ended’; others ‘closed’ questions), all aimed to address specific issues in relation to my research objectives. In framing the questions, I began with issues that were general in outlook and then gradually narrowed down to questions that target specific dimensions of the research questions.

While the requirement for responding to “open-ended” questions was for respondents to write in personal views/comments, the coding frame for answering “closed” questions was that respondents tick “Yes” or “No” or “Don’t Know/Not Sure” as they deem appropriate. Thus, the response process was intended to reflect both qualitative and quantitative results.

There were also the introductory and personal data sections. The introductory section simply indicated the area and purpose of research; as well as the time frame (10 minutes) it would take to complete it. The personal data section was meant to elicit personal details from respondents purely for the purpose of data comparison (e.g. gender or age). Respondents were also required to indicate if they would like their names to be mentioned in the final collation of results. The entire design was limited to five pages to encourage high and quicker response rate (See sample in Appendix B).

The final draft of the questionnaire was carefully examined by my Supervisors and was pre-tested among some students of the University of Dundee to enable me appraise the clarity and relevance of the questions formulated. Among aspects of the questionnaire pretested were question wording, inadequacy in relation to research questions, confusing response categories, and question order. Their observations were incorporated into the final copies applied within the ‘fields’. Generally, the questionnaire was administered in the ‘fields’ either shortly before or after oral interviews with key

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institutional respondents. Except for Radio Ada (Ghana) which responses were expected to be sent by post, all others had their responses submitted on the spot.

Out of the 100 copies originally produced, 54 were administered in South Africa; 14 in Ghana; and only 15 in Nigeria. Two and four copies were never returned from Nigeria and South Africa, respectively. The 16 additional copies given to respondents in Radio Ada (Ghana) were also never returned through postal services as agreed upon and paid for. Out of the 84 responses collected from the three countries, only 83 contained useful