Abstract
In India where patriarchy is deep rooted, gender discrimination in all forms is very apparent. Within the political sphere, men hold seats of power, authority and decision making. Women are discouraged to participate in politics. With an aim to challenge the male stream politics, rural women in Maharashtra collectively initiated Mahila Rajsatta Andolan (hereafter MRA). This paper captures the plight and struggle of women who participate in politics using the case study of MRA.
Keywords: panchayat, women leaders, MRA, governance
Introduction
Governance refers to formal and informal participation in decision- making and power to make, implement and control the decisions. It has the capacity of bringing about fundamental changes in the society. However it is possible only if effective representation of all different segments of the society is ensured. Good governance is epitomized by predictable, open and enlightened policy-making, a bureaucracy instilled with professional ethos acting in furtherance of the public good, the rule of law, transparent processes, and a strong civil society participating in public affairs (World Bank, 1991). One of the key elements of good governance is characterized by free participation of people, including women in political arena. Good governance should aim towards promotion of people’s participation in decision-making. This includes active participation of women in governance at all levels. Gender mainstreaming is necessary to create a governing body that is sensitive to pressing issues like gender injustice and inequality amongst other things. Governance is shot through power. It is also highly gendered. Creating policies and practices that will ensure more gender- equitable, fair and effective governance is difficult (Parpart, 2004).
———————————
Encouraging good governance requires more than just evaluating the practices and language of government officials. It requires close attention to the broad political and economic structures, cultural assumptions and discourses, notions of human rights, laws and practices in which people seek to ensure more gender-equitable and accountable governance at all levels. Moreover, these struggles occur in many different sites and practices, from the personal encounters of daily life to involvement in formal and informal organizations.
Women and Governance
Women form more than 50 per cent of the South Asian population and yet research indicates that women’s participation in the decision- making process, especially in relation to representation at the different levels of governance is significantly lower in South Asian countries including India (Ray Ghoshal, 2004). This implies that women are denied their rightful place in a democratic polity. In this way their voices remain unheard and their special needs are overlooked by many within these societies. Gender gap in governance in India in all spheres is very high. This is a result of subordinate status of women in all private and public domains namely household, state, market and civil society (Panda, 2008). There are several obstacles to women’s effective participation in politics. Patriarchy, caste and class hierarchies, and their inherent unequal power relations hinder women from successfully accessing and controlling political spaces (Mohan, 2008). In a country like India where patriarchy is deep rooted, gender discrimination is evident in all forms including the political sphere; wherein men, particularly upper caste and affluent men hold seats of power, authority and decision making. Women in politics (or interested in politics) remain victims of inequality, suppression and exploitation, as is the case with many other countries in the world. Other factors that deter women’s participation are as follows:
(a) Inferior economic status - in most cases women depend on men on financial matters.
(b) Election violence, assault on character/reputation (slander/ rumours).
(c) Low literacy rates and educational levels, unequal access to education
(e) Difficulty obtaining nomination wherein preference is always given by parties to nominate men
(f) Norms disabling women to break away from traditional roles
(g) Lack of encouragement from families and significant others
Gender mainstreaming in Governance – Theoretical Premises
Debates on theoretical premises and approaches have been attempted in the last three decades to institutionalise women’s concerns within structures of governance. Three approaches - Women in Development (hereafter WID), Women and Development (hereafter WAD) and Gender and Development (hereafter GAD) have evolved out of collective wisdom of women and theorists around the world.
Women in Development (WID) model calls for greater attention to women in development policy and practice. Its philosophy is based on premises that women are treated as beneficiaries of the scraps thrown down at them in the margin of the economy. The WID perspective that evolved in early 1970s from a liberal feminist framework was a reaction to women being seen as passive beneficiaries of development. It marked an important corrective approach, highlighting the need for women to be integrated into development processes as active agents, if efficient and effective development is to be achieved. Women’s significant productive contribution should be made visible. Programmes informed by WID approach therefore addressed women’s practical needs by creating employment and income-generating opportunities, improving access to credit and education.
Women and Development (WAD) model integrates women in the development work as active change agents. Affirmative action and pro-active approach by state and civil society through Non Governmental Organisations (hereafter NGOs) and women’s groups are advocated by this model for empowering women against patriarchy.
GAD approach to development policy focuses on the socially constructed basis of differences between men and women and emphasises need to challenge existing gender roles and relations. GAD emerged from a concern from the lack of progress of WID policy in changing women’s lives and in influencing the broader development agenda. GAD challenges the WID focus on women
in isolation, seeing women’s problem as the imbalance of power between women and men. This approach highlights role of culture, political and economic factors in women’s subordination (Young, 1993). One of the interpretations of GAD focuses primarily on the gender division of labour and gender role, wherein gender as a relation of power is embedded in institutions (Miller and Razavi, 1995). Within the context of governance, GAD model stresses that enhancing women’s access to power and voices in governance is a desirable goal and needs to be done by engaging them more effectively in democratic processes (Sharma, 2008).
Why is gender mainstreaming in Governance important?
Without engendering, development is endangered (Patel, 2008). The male nature of state power has led to a concern with women’s representation and participation in government structures, and the consequences of their minimal participation for governance practices. This has inspired many around the world to lobby for more women participation (Rai, 2002). Although this effort has been slow, yet some improvements have taken place.
Gender audit of political governance has revealed that elected women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (hereafter PRI), legislative bodies and parliament have played a positive role in addressing a range of practical gender needs. Many women representative in governance do carry some of their personal concern for women’s rights into the political arena (Rai, 2002). Moreover, improving the gender balance in government is an issue of women’s rights and human equality and therefore should be promoted. Women’s political participation is trajectory to women’s empowerment. Economic and social empowerment of women cannot be sustained unless women are active participants in the decision making process at all levels of the State. Women’s participation in politics is essential to enable them to act upon their visions of a better society and to make meaningful contributions to national and societal development.
Governance in India
India follows a three tier governing system – one at the centre, respective state and within state there are governing systems at each district. The constitution of free India envisaged organization of village panchayats inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s vision of Gram
Swaraj (village self governance) wherein local bodies would be endowed with such powers and authority as required to function as units of local self government. In June 1986 it was recommended that Panchayati Raj Institutions (hereafter PRIs) should be constitutionally recognized protected and preserved (Mitra, 2001). The word “Panchayat” literally means assembly (yat) of five (panch) wise and respected elders chosen and accepted by the village community. Traditionally, these assemblies settled disputes between individuals and villages. Indian government has eventually decentralized several administrative functions to village level, empowering elected panchayat members to carry out activities (Mullick and Raj, 2007). Panchayat raj system in India comprises of three main bodies: (a) village (gram) panchayat (b) block panchayat and (c) district (Zilla)
panchayat. The village panchayats are the basic unit of administration. Though Panchayat Raj system existed yet it did not make viable and responsive people’s body due to many reasons – one of which was lack of women’s participation in the system. The 73rd
constitutional amendment Act, 1992 provided constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions. The Amendment Act of 1992 provisioned for devolution of powers and responsibilities to the Panchayats. The Act designates Panchayati Raj system to
(a) Hold Panchayat elections regularly every five years, (b) Reserve seats for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
Women,
(c) Appoint State Finance Commission to make recommendations as regards the financial powers of the Panchayats and
(d) Constitute District Planning Committee to prepare draft development for the district.
Women in Governance in India – Historical Background
Gender mainstreaming in Indian governance evolved in early 20th century, when women’s quest for individual autonomy reflected in their demands of equal citizenship, their representation in legislature and public bodies and job reservation. This also evoked backlash from patriarchal forces in terms of sexual slander, heckling, public ridicule and indecent sloganeering. Women’s participation as peasants, workers, fisher folks, agricultural labourers has always been existent but they are expected to remain subordinate to men (Devika, 2008).
Post 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment India witnessed
women’s active participation in local self government bodies. The amendment led to some positive changes in women’s participation in governance at the village level. Women became members of political institutions; an estimated six million women have been positively impacted by this legislation (Ray Ghoshal, 2004). Self Help Group (hereafter SHG) movement has ensured new leadership among rural women.
Similar trend followed in Maharashtra where rural women challenged the traditional patriarchal shackles of the society by participating in politics. They came out to voice out their emancipation. With an aim to challenge the male stream politics, rural women in Maharashtra (India) collectively started Mahila Rajsatta Andolan (hereafter MRA). This paper intends to trace the journey of the movement with special emphasis on struggle of the women who chose to join politics and the process of their empowerment.
The paper is based on author’s sustained interaction with the women leaders of MRA. It aims to throw light on the journey of the women from ‘home’ to Panchayat with special focus on their struggle. The data presented in the study is gathered from Focus Group Discussions (hereafter FGD) conducted with different women leaders, MRA activists and elected women representatives across a period of one year. The author developed her insight into the women’s issues and their struggle from their regular meetings, state level conventions and interviews with elected women representatives. Non participant observation helped further in understanding women’s struggles and issues
Mahila Rajsatta Andolan – Women in Governance Movement in Maharashtra, India
In spite of the enforcement of 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment,
the same was never implemented in its truest spirit due to several political and social factors. A collective of NGOs came forward to change the ground reality and empower women to be active agents in politics. Thus in 2000, more than 3,000 women leaders from different parts of Maharashtra came forward to participate in a convention organized by regional networks at Saigata – a village in Chadrapur district of Maharashtra.
The convention discussed the impact of the 73rd constitutional
amendment and its ramifications. It was an outcome of this convention that women decided to come together to launch a campaign for Women’s Governance (Mahila Rajsatta Andolan) in development processes through Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI). Women sloganned, “Vote Hamara, Raj Hamara, Leke Rahenge, Leke Rahenge” (Our Vote, Our Rule, We will take, we will take). Mahila Rajsatta Andolan envisions an egalitarian interdependent society where women will equally participate in all types of institutions and be partner of developmental processes. The mission is thus to encourage women to come forward and demand their rightful share in political governance. MRA aims to
(a) Create awareness about success and struggles of women who are in politics thereby encouraging other women to join governance.
(b) Ensure effective network building to facilitate broadening of MRA in the state
(c) Build capacity among women leaders
(d) Creating support systems around women ensuring their active, efficient, and successful participation in governance of PRI.
Women began their political journey demanding for
• Equal ownership of village resources between both men
and women, including their equal right over land and property.
• Effective implementation of development subjects as
mentioned under the 73rd Amendment.
The movement gained confidence when 393 women across 100 villages contested Panchayat election in 2000; out of which 220 women were elected and 39 women took charge as village heads (Sarpanch). After a decade, the movement has spread extensively in rural areas of Maharashtra. MRA is now working in 75 blocks (Tehsils) of 25 districts partnering with five regional networks and 62 organizations and 40 grass-root women leaders. Today MRA has a membership of more than 2, 000 Elected Women Representatives (EWRs).
It was realised that without a strong network base, it was difficult for women to come together to fortify their own governance role within the Panchayat system. The need for collective stride to be
within the political system was felt to assert their right over natural and human development resources and over all village development which otherwise remained unattended. Like MinuTai1, after being
elected as village Sarpanch felt that after being a village head, she could bring out lot of change in her village like constructing good roads, forming women SHGs and so on, which otherwise was difficult for her. She firmly states, ‘Women need power to bring change in her own village. Without power no one would listen to her...It’s not political power alone, but social power, power of knowledge that can direct me as a Sarpanch what all development activities I can undertake....before, all these things were not possible...’
Thus being within the political realm, women’s collective resolved to assert their political participation in village governance and ensure their right as equal partners in the developmental process which has traditionally been subjugated by the prevailing patriarchal kinship system. This process was definitely empowering, as there existed a crucial relationship between empowerment and local and national structures. Moser (1993) argued that empowerment cannot be achieved without transformation of existing power relations and this process initiated that transformation within women and society at large.
Women’s journey from ‘home’ to Panchayat
The journey of elected women leaders has not been smooth at all. There were impediments in every way. Women’s struggle in the journey from ‘home’ to Panchayat was eventful. The barriers to women’s political empowerment could be summed up under following sub heads:
(a) Caste Based Discrimination
Being a woman elected as Panchayat member, she had to face several hindrances including caste based discrimination. Many women who joined MRA and subsequently the political movement hailed from lower caste communities namely Dalits2. When Dalit women came
to power it threatened the male stream political system which was dominated by the upper caste men. The upper caste men did not take the Dalit women’s participation in Panchayat meetings very well. Dalit women leaders were thus opposed by the upper caste men
in many ways. Exclusion in decision making process, character assassination, sexual slandering, abusive sloganeering and atrocities against her were some of the ways in which men expressed their dislike and opposition.
‘When I became the Panchayat member no one used to sit with me, I had to sit separate at a distance and participate in the meeting because I am a Dalit. I am untouchable.’
Dalit woman Panchayat member, Latur.
Instances are ample where Dalit women faced double discrimination – one based on her gender and second based on her caste. The fight against caste was not easy but a tedious process. Many women leaders expressed that they preferred to silently accept the discrimination as protesting against the same could hinder their acceptance by the larger Panchayat body.
(b) Transformation of woman’s identity
The travel of women from home to the Panchayat brought several changes within her. More so, it brought about major shifts in power dynamics within and outside the home. The processes of building political consciousness of women led them question their own status within family domain. Women then gradually started questioning the power relations within their own family. This definitely changed the power relations within home, women started questioning men’s decision making at home. Woman’s decision to join politics was many times opposed by their own family members. In many situations this perpetuated violence. One of the FGD echoed lack of support that women received from their own family members as they decided to contest elections. A woman Panchayat member in Sangli district recalled, ‘Everyone in my family discouraged me to be in Panchayat because it is inappropriate for a woman to sit with other outside men and talk about issues which only men should be talking about...’
Participating in matters relating to village development was perceived to be ‘men’s’ issue. Women’s participation in local Panchayat was perceived as a deviancy from the societal norm where women are supposed to be docile and be restricted within the
threshold of household. Stepping out from ‘home’ and engaging in a male dominated domain was perceived as ‘indecent for women’. It transformed the woman’s identity from a ‘gharelu aurat’ (homely woman) to a ‘mardani’ (macho woman). This transformation in her identity was unacceptable to the family and society at large. In one of the FGD it came up:
‘Initially when I was elected I had to go to many places outside my village to attend meetings, meet the district collectors and so on. Many people didn’t like this, including my own family members. Everyone in the village thought that since I go out and return late, meet other men I am a ‘bad’ woman…’
Elected Panchayat head (Latur).
This shift in societal norm was seen as a threat by many, men in particular. Women who joined the movement had to walk through a double edged sword wherein they faced opposition from all corners, including their families. Women who challenged this male stream