Conclusiones

6 Ibid., pp. 192-3, 212-3.

^ The following groups were represented in their own professional chambers: engineers, doctors, pharmacists, houseowners, veterinarians, agronomists, housewives (home

assigned seats in the upper houses of the National Assembly and the 1938

Riigikogu. In February 1935 Pats established the State Economic Council

(Riigi majandusnoukogu) with 15 members elected by the occupational chambers and 10 appointed by Pats to advise the government.^ This transitional institution, modelled after the state economic council of Weimar Germany, however, was not very active since the government rarely asked for advice.^

Pats explained his vision of organization by occupation to mean that "a person will no longer have to kneel before the parties" but w ould join together with his "closest co-workers". Everyone should feel that they are "part of one large family and that they can only flourish under a common roof". Fiurthermore, this reform was to have a deeper meaning: "to teach a new morality and sense of honour - individual rights alone are not

decisive, rather, who does the most for the good of the state.''^^ According to Prime Minister Einbund, the purpose of these chambers was: "to engage all of our occupational groups, without class conflict, in our common effort to develop our state toward our common national and state goals."^^ This emphasis on public responsibilities and national duties, rather than individual rights, was a common theme for the Pats regime and was quite consistent with the ideas espoused by the Veterans.

On 6 March 1935 political parties were abolished. The following day the establishment of the Fatherland League (Isamaaliit) was officially announced. Its aim was "to unite the Estonian people in the service of the fatherland under the state's protection and g u i d a n c e . " ! ^ Jq this end it sought to develop in the people "a spirit of harmony, solidarity,

cooperation among all classes, and singleness of purpose." The regime attempted to mobilize public opinion and broaden its base of support. The Fatherland League, however, did not prove to be popular and it was seen as nothing more than a prop for the government; its membership

consisted mainly of office holders and opportunists.^^ Though in the regime's rhetoric the Fatherland League was to serve as the intermediary between the government and the people, in practice it functioned simply teachers, artisans, employees of private enterprises. Chambers of commerce-industry and agriculture were established before the dictatorship in 1924 and 1931 respectively. ® Eesti kroonika 1935 (Tartu, 1936), p. 30.

^ Laaman, Konstantin Pats, p. 213.

Kaja, 17 January 1935; Johannes Klesment, "Sisepoliitiline kriis ja pohiseadus," in Pohiseadus ja Rahvuskogu (Tallinn, 1937), p. 68.

Toomus, Konstantin Pats ja riigireformi aastad, p. 199. 12 e r a, f. 943, n. 1, s. 1, Ik. 47.

as a propaganda vehicle for the regime. Its role was mostly limited to promoting government sponsored campaigns, and thus can not be view ed as a serious attempt to establish a one-party system. The Fatherland

League with its nebulous nationalist ideology, hierarchical structure, and pretense of being something other than a party was in many respects a pale imitation of the Veterans' League.i^

To direct public opinion, the government established an

information bureau which in September 1935 was expanded into the State Propaganda Office whose chief was given cabinet minister status. The Propaganda Office's mission was "to organize the people and activize all elements of society for participation in state and national tasks.''^^ Its duties also included censorship.^^ The Propaganda Office conducted campaigns to promote national consciousness and pride, such as the increased use of the state flag, a competition to compose patriotic songs, the revival of folk traditions, and the wearing of folk costumes. The two m ost successful and popular drives were the Estonianization of family names, with acting prime rmnister Karl Einbund setting the example by Estonianizing his name to Kaarel Eenpalu, and the beautification of h o m e s . These cultural activities were also meant as a substitute for political involvement.i®

In the economic sphere Pats was the beneficiary of lucky timing. The foundation for economic recovery had been laid by the Tonisson cabinet's devaluation of the kroon in July 1933.i^ At the time of Pats' coup d'état the worst of the crisis had already passed and the depression had slow ly begun to recede. The regime's policies, nevertheless, also deserve ample credit for bringing about economic recovery. The hallmark of these policies was centralization and state capitalism.20 The regime subsidized agriculture, made the export of the three most important products (butter.

1^ Tomingas, Vaikiv ajastu, pp. 252-3. 15 e r a, f. 1093, n. 1, s. 3, Ik. 10.

1^ See the memoirs of two officials of the State Propaganda Office, Kanl Kadak, M itm e

taeva all (Stockholm, 1974); Andrus Roolaht, N ii see oli... (Tallinn, 1990).

17 Review of the State Propaganda Office's activities, ERA, f. 1093, n. 1, s. 17, Ik. 5-10; s. 14, Ik. 9-15. Inda Rajasalu, "RiUdik Propaganda Talitus ja eesti nimi," in Ant, et al., eds., Tundmatu Eesti Vabaritk, pp. 96-106.

1® Laaman records the following illuminating exchange in his diary on 5 May 1936 when Eenpalu tried to explain the need for the State Propaganda Office's home beautification campaign to invited newpaper editors in his office. Eenpalu: '"the public must have something to keep occupied with so that...' journalists in chorus: 'it does not damn well start getting involved with politics!' General laughter", ERA, f. 827, n. 1, s. la.

1^ Estonian Economic Year-Book 1934 (Tallinn, 1935), p. 12.