Conclusiones El modelo de regeneración sostenible

Johnson & Migliaccio (2009) describe four components that work in conjunction with each other to establish the athletic identity as a primary identity in African American boys’ self- understanding. The first component is introduction and access to sport at an early age. Secondly, the boy begins to relate to a reference group, particularly professional athletes who serve as role models for attaining the American Dream, which helps to further develop and solidify a boy’s athletic identity. Thirdly, social recognition of the identity leads the boy to immerse himself in the identity. The recognition can be developed through the community, his peer groups or the media. Lastly as the child’s athletic identity develops other aspects of the self become limited through identity specialization. This process may lead the child to rejecting other activities and identities; fully immersing themselves in an athletic identity.

commonly identified as an avenue out of poverty for African American males. Although the chances of making it into professional sports is 4 in 100,000 for a white male and 2 in 100,000 for African American males, young African American boys continue to be socialized into viewing sport as an attainable career choice (Johnson & Migliaccio, 2009). One of the primary agents of socialization is the family. Family pressure plays an important role in the early socialization of boys. Often, boys are encouraged to participate in sport because a father, older brother or uncle had success in sport (Johnson & Migliaccio, 2009). Social learning theory can help conceptualize how athletes develop identities and learn sport roles. A key concept related to social learning theory is the significance of role models (Buford May, 2009).

Role models can be considered people who influence an individual’s behaviors, attitudes and aspirations. Family members, peers and others who have sustained contact can be considered direct role models (Buford May, 2009). T he African American community relies heavily on family for social support, so introduction to sport has greater impact on the child when it comes from the family. In addition, African American families often believe that there are fewer options for achieving success for African American boys. Limited options in conjunction with high expectation of success through sport can result in parents pressuring African American boys to pursue sport (Johnson & Migliaccio, 2009).

Harrison, Jr. et al. (2002) notes, “For males, especially African American males, involvement in sport and athletic ability are powerful determinants of social acceptability and group membership” (p. 127). African American communities also place pressure on boys to play sport. This tendency may partially stem from economic need by African American families. While there is diversity across the African American community regarding economic status, African Americans represent a h igher percentage of working class and poor as well as those

living in inner cities. Adults in the upper and middle class are able to sponsor, organize and administer programs for children that extend beyond sports. Inner city communities generally are only able to direct kids into activities that are readily accessible and affordable within the community. Beyond economic situations of inner city communities, African Americans have cultural interest in sport. Throughout history, many African Americans have viewed sport and entertainment as one of the few ways to gain success in a r acist society. As a r esult, African Americans receive indirect and direct pressure from the community to participate in sport (Johnson & Migliaccio, 2009).

In addition to economic influences, media portrayals of professional athletes tend to be limited, focusing on icons as positive role models for the African American community. In contrast to direct role models, indirect role models, such as professional athletes influence behaviors and attitudes through the media (Buford May, 2009). The media often presents African American professional athletes as having escaped poor inner cities to be successful. They are portrayed in this fashion regardless of their families’ past economic background. They also portray them as heroes without offering other alternatives to sport figures as role models. African American boys view these dominant representations as the group in which they should pattern their identities (Johnson & Migliaccio, 2009). The process of individuals selecting role models to influence their behavior and attitudes depends on that individual’s belief that the role model’s success is attainable (Buford May, 2009).

While there are numerous factors impacting identity, athletic identity is pushed onto African American boys, which limits their identity choices in the future. The expectations and acceptance of an identity by others influences the development of the self. Positive responses by others increase the continued development of an identity. When relying heavily on an identity

that receives positive accolades, other aspects of an individual’s life become less noteworthy as they appear less connected to the development of the self (Johnson & Migliaccio, 2009). In addition, level of influence a role model may have on youth is dependent on whether the youth have multiple role models. Therefore professional athletes influence as role models is reliant on other role models in the youths’ lives (Buford May, 2009). For the few African Americans who have the opportunity to participate in Division I college athletics, these factors are relevant when exploring how they form their role identity and their worldview about their college experience.