then successful Belgian Workers Party 121 it is likely that their initial acquaintance with it was inspired by Ben Tillett who had been in Belgium shortly before his visit to New Zealand and Australia, But while they chose it as their exemplar, the inclination towards co-operative methods probably owed most to the more familiar and long English tradition of independent working class self-help, Similarly, the millenarian overtones implicit in what they imagined post-capitalist society might be like, carried
119 Ibid, p 15
120 Their debt to J A Hobson's underconsumptionist writings, particularly his Evolution o f
Modern Capitalism which was first published in 1894, was acknowledged in Tocsin, 3 November
1898, p 2
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echoes of an equally long utopian tradition. Even the language revealed some of the sources ol their ideas. The reference to Two Nations echoed Disraeli's famous phrase. The notion of the evolution of an organisation signified the comtemporary practice of applying a biological metaphor, and all that it implied, to social analysis,*22 Like many other radicals of their background and generation, there was an evangelical note in their gospel of unionism',*23
But no matter what were the origins of the respective elements in their grand scheme, the VLF was a self-conscious assertion of working class identity and an expression of their determination to act independently as a class. Anstey, Tunnecliffe and Elmslie were working class intellectuals assured of their own and the workers' ability to change their social existence as active agents, no longer to be passive factors in capitalist production. They were not the deserving poor of middle class philanthropy, devoid of pride and initiative. Through their own efforts they were educating themselves and their class to higher things. Moreover, they were bold enough to presume that they might make society what we think it ought to be’.124
In the light of their recent experience, it is significant that they chose to mobilise their class, not through strikes or more revolutionary methods, but with the freely subscribed shillings and pence of working people. They were concerned with
*22 For a discussion of William Hearn s use of the theory of organic evolution in political economy see J A LaNauze, Political Economy in AustraliaHistorical Essays Carlton, Melbourne University Press. 1949, pp 59-65 For a comparison of the conservative and radical uses of Social Darwinism see Craufurd D W Goodwin, Economic Enquiry in Australia, Durham, Duke University Press, 1966, chapter 10, especially pp 330-345
123 The origins of this probably went back to the early nineteenth century English Methodism examined by EP Thompson, The Making o f the English Working Class. Harmondsworth,
Penguin, 1968 revised edition, pp 383-440 However, it had been transformed into more secular terms when it was employed by writers like Henry Lawson and William Lane in Australia during the 1890s See, for example, Lawson's article in the Albany Observer of 15 July 1890 entitled The New Religion'; and William Lane's comments about the religion of socialism in the preface to his
The Workingman 's Paradise, Sydney, Edwards Dunlop, 1892
What is the Labour Fectesation ?, p.2 For a brief, schematic discussion of the role of working class intellectuals in class mobilisation during this period see R W Connell and T H Irving. Class Structure in Australian History: Documents, Narrative and Argument, Melbourne, Longman Cheshire, 1980, pp 195-222
class action, but in a manner befitting serious-minded improvers, it was peaceful, respectable class action,
It cost one shilling to join the VLF, followed by a minimun contribution of three pence per week, If members chose, they could lodge greater sums which would be credited to their accounts and was withdrawable at pleasure'. When sufficient members had deposited enough capital the executive would begin a distribution business' The profits from it would then be used to provide unemployment or sickness benefits, additional capital to expand the Federation, or for propaganda purposes T2^ These small individual contributions may have been modest, but during the promoter's more sanguine moments, in aggregate they represented the first stirrings of the working class’ united economic power,
Since the strength of the VLF as a class organisation was directly proportional to the size of its membership, a vigorous propaganda campaign was necessary. In each aspect of this Anstey played a leading role, and in the process continued to develop the writing and platform skills he had begun to practice years earlier. His public persona was emerging. They began with weekly meetings at the Trades H all126 At this early stage they adopted three main approaches to propaganda Regular advertisements appeared in the Tocsin supported by sympathetic reporting of their activities; work was begun on preparing a pamphlet explaining the Federation's objectives; and nights of song and speech' were planned. The first of these kept
Tocsin readers informed of the VLF's work and provided optimistic reports of its plans for the future. On almost every occasion when an expansion of its activities was foreshadowed, Tocsin reported it as though success was assured. This attempt to turn puffery into self-fulfilling prophesy is not surprising since both Anstey and Tunnecliffe were founding members of the Tocsin Co-operative.
see a VLF membership book in Dwyer papers, Mitchell Library, Uncat MS Set 290, item 40. pp 6-7
126 Tocsin, 7 July 1898, p 8 and 14 July 1898, p 8 At these early meetings they were primarily concerned with strategies for getting the VLF established
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In the VLF's first year the strategy seemed to be working, The pamphlet What is the Labour Federation? appeared, after some delay, in October 1898 at one penny per copy, It appears to have been reasonably popular, running to at least four impressions in a short time, although it is not clear how large was each printing, As noted above, it provided an analysis of class relations in Victoria, a description of the Belgian Worker's Party and an outline of the Federation s objectives and organisation, It gave no indication of who wrote the pamphlet or particular sections of it. Nevertheless, it did bear some marks of Anstey's hand in the short staccato phrases, the rhetorical questions and the rolling cadences at the end of sentences and paragraphs. However, as a recruiting technique the nights of song and speech seem to have been the most effective,
They were a combination of music hall entertainment and political meeting. As an imaginative blend of familiar working class culture, they were designed to both entertain and rouse the audience. The first of these, held in the Hibernian Hall, Swanston Street on 20 September 1898, set the pattern for the many others that followed.127 The Federation orchestra opened proceedings with a rollicking performance of The Fatman s March' to the amusement of ail present, The audience, having warmed to the spirit of the occasion, were then treated to a selection of light hearted, sentimental and patriotic songs which provided neatly-judged changes of mood. After a little comic relief, the first half of the program concluded with a recitation of Byron's stirring and poignant 'Waterloo'. During the interval the orchestra provided a selection of popular tunes. The second session got off to a bouncy start with an acrobatic song and dance by Mr.Menzies'. After two more songs the audience was judged to be in a receptive state of mind for the real business of the evening, With the VLF banner draped behind him, Anstey strode to centre stage and delivered a powerful appeal for support'. Although the report does not offer a
verbatim account of his speech, on the evidence of reports of later meetings it is
likely that he followed the pamphlet fairly closely in telling them about the parlous state of workers in Victoria, the iniquities of the capitalist system and the bright hopes for the future contained in the VLF's scheme to rejuvenate the working class When he finished he had roused the audience to a pitch of enthusiasm' such that the building, which was packed to overflowing', resounded to a communal rendering of Auld Lang Syne', and the evening ended noisily with cheers for the Labour Federation'. It is difficult to know how much to allow for the likely hyperbole of the
Tocsin reporter, but the organisers were sufficiently encouraged by the response to make such occasions the centre piece of their campaign whenever they established a new branch,
To the likes of Anstey, Elmslie and Tunnecliffe this was just as much the stuff of working class life as any statistician's table or essay on political economy. It had more life and energy than the traditionally ponderous speeches delivered to loyal but long-suffering audiences in draughty, ill-lit halls. For them the true spirit of the working class could be identified and mobilised much better through popular songs, stirring recitations, proud banners and rousing speeches. They were giving a practical application of O'Dowds analysis of working class culture,
Nevertheless, it was the hard cash of membership contributions and profits from the trading department that would have to sustain the momentum generated by their imaginative recruiting campaign. At each meeting and concert new members were enrolled and a brisk trade was begun by selling tea. As with membership fees, the trading department began in a modest fashion. VLF tea was first sold only at meetings, but as business improved they commenced a regular delivery around the suburbs.^8 Within a year they had taken premesis in the Market Buildings in
^28 It was sold in three blends at 1/-, 1/3 and 1/6 The occasionally uneasy relationship
between the VLF and the Victorian Socialist s League was even reflected in their competition for the worker's patronage in the purchase of tea The VSL sold its blend of ’Liberty Tea’ for 1/3 The VSL also held nights of song and speech at 46 Bourke Street See ibid, 12 January 1899, p 8 By December 1898 the Labour Federation had purchesed a smart horse and trap’ driven by an
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Victoria Street and added a tailoring establishment' to their trading department.129 Not long after, they added boots and coffee to the list of items that could be purchased to support the Federations work. They sought custom vigorously. Members could buy clothes on terms to suit themselves. There were weekly deliveries to all suburbs. All that a prospective customer needed to do was send a postcard to the Federation and a traveller would call. However, they were careful to distinguish their operation from those of private traders. They worked according to co-operative principles. All their goods were union made and sold at fair prices. There was not a whiff of sweated labour.* 130 The profits, moreover, went to establish a fund for out-of-work pay, sick pay, medical attendance, and the protection of the workers’ interests1.131
There was, of course, nothing new in this approach. Co-operatives had been established in England for more than a century. A group of workmen had opened their own corn mills at Clatham and Woolwich in 1760, the Fenwick weavers began a store in 1769 and in 1812 the Lennoxtown Co-operative Society initiated the system of paying members a dividend on purchases.132 By the 1890s the transplanted tradition was thriving in Victoria where there was a plethora of co-operative societies trading under an Act of Parliament specifically designed to regulate their activities.133 They were a practical expression of the doctrine of working class self-help. As such, they asserted class solidarity, but often saw themselves as limited in scope. At most, they were an attempt to modify the prevailing system of production and distribution in a
129 Ibid, 8 June 1899, p i It is not known how J.P Jones, the workingman's tailor, regarded this competition for members' sartorial support
130 There is, however, no evidence that they ever questioned the conditions under which their tea was produced In keeping with prevailing ethnocentric assumptions. Asian labour exploited in its own country did not count
131 Ibid, 12 October 1899, p 7.
132 Jack Bailey, The British Co-operative Movement, London, Hutchinson University Library 2ndedn , 1960, pp 11-12
133 it was titled the Provident Societies Act, 1890 Two typical examples in the period immediately before the VLF's formation were the Co-operative Bakery at 392 Bridge Road, Richmond and the Union Bootmakers' Co-operative Society Limited run by R Solly and H Nolan of the Bootmakers' Union, to which Tunnecliffe belonged See Tocsin 1 October 1897. p i 1.
particular trade . They were also a proud declaration of the worker s ability to manage the making and selling of life's necessities free from capitalist market relations. The VLF elevated this, in theory at least, from a limited declaration of independence to a method of social transformation, Their scheme was not new, it simply intended to broaden the scope of co-operative action to the whole of society,
Coni ident in the correctness of their plans , the Federation proceeded to expand its organisation and activities. Executive members, Anstey and Tunnecliffe in particular, embarked on a campaign to organise branches in the suburbs and the country. During this period Anstey's extraordinary energies were fully engaged. In addition to his job at the Working Men's College, he was President of the Seamen's Union and their delegate on the Trades Hall Council, an active member of the Tocsin Co-operative, as well as President of the VLF. All this probably left very little time for him to devote to family life. The nights of song and speech, the Executive meetings and the country trips to set up VLF branches absorbed a great deal of his time, without considering the demands of his other commitments, The organising trips that he and lunneclilfe made to Bendigo and Walhalla were undertaken on weekends.* *34 During the week there were often meetings to be addressed or social functions to be attended Political activity had become the major focus of his life. Despite the domestic cost, it appeared to be time well spent as both he and the VLF were making great progress.
Within eighteen months of the Federation s establishment there were active branches in Brunswick, South Melbourne, Yarraville, Bendigo and Walhalla.*35 i n each case they were begun with a night of song and speech, followed by enrolment of new members and the election of an executive committee. Visits from country branches were arranged and contact was made with interested organisations in other c o l o n i e s . T h e y even began corresponding with the Belgian Worker's Party.*37 The *34 When they went to Walhalla, for example, they conducted two meetings; one on Saturday night and the other on Sunday afternoon See ibid, 29 June 1899, p i
135 See for example, ibid, 9 February 1899. p 3; 29 June 1899, p i; 27 July 1899, p 6: IS January 1900, p.S; 1 February 1900, p 8; and 3 April 1900, p i
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extension of organisation went beyond the formation of new branches and the development of trading operations to cultural activities. In addition to the Federation orchestra, a VLF Chorus Party was established under the musical directorship of a Mr. Cambridge 138 a Quadrille Club was founded for those members who delight in the 7
light fantastic'.139 Lantern lectures were held.140 A 'Christmas goose club’ was arranged 141 Smoke nights' for male members became a regular event142 and picnics were held at scenic spots near Melbourne. 1 4 3
In recognition of the fact that the working class comprised more than just working men, the Federation made special efforts to interest women in the organisation However, in keeping with contemporary attitudes, the appeal was directed to them in their roles as wives and mothers:
Isolated as a woman is from the sphere of political activity, with her whole thought centred upon the interests of her famaily and her home, it is little wonder that her vision becomes circumscribed, and her interest in the world outside grows daily less. And yet it is this very intensity of concentration which makes her in times of crises the most valuable ally of reform. To her the preservation of her home and the sanctity of her family life becomes the one absorbing purpose... And it is because of this that we appeal with more than usual confidence to the wives and mothers of Victoria to assist us in our fight for more wholesome conditions of life for the babies who are to be the heirs of the future, and who will have to bear the heat and burden of the day.144 In their role as consumers of VLF commodities they could help build an organisation that would lighten their husbands' burdens and secure their children's future. There
^ 7 Ibid, 15 February 1900, p 8 Frank Gossler did the necessary translation *38 Ibid, 11 May 1899, p 4 *39 Ibid p i 140 Ibid, 13 October 1898, p 8 141 Ibid, 13 December 1900, p 8 142 Ibid, 29 August 1901, p i 143 Ibid, 26 December 1901, p 2
144 Ibid. 15 December 1898, p 2 From what little is known of Anstey’s family life, it is quite likely that this was a fair description of Kate s role
w ere some attem pts to in te re s t them in the F ederation s activities, but a p a rt from the quadrille club and th e occasional lectu re by Vida Goldstein on th e co-operative movement* 45 little was actually done to en co u ra g e them to assume positions of le a d e rsh ip .*46 It is also sig n ific a n t th a t th e ir effo rts to cater fo r w o rk e rs’ c h ild ren w ere directed at th e ir sons. A boy's fife and drum band was set u p ,147 as w ere sen io r and ju n io r c ric k e t teams ,*48
By th e middle of 1899 th e VLF gave e v e ry outw ard sig n of robust good h ealth , It had a m em bership in th e v ic in ity of seven h u n d red , th e trad in g d ep artm en t was