The first example recorded from the Horti Maecenatis, is a large and partially preserved statue
recognisable as an Apis bull (fig. 41).316
Based on the actual remains of the statue we can make out that it measured circa 1.20m in height, and possibly double as much in length, as suggested by the
reconstruction. Its large fragmentary remains, based on material properties and appearance, have generally been interpreted as having been made in Ptolemaic Egypt (the museum record suggests ca. the second century BCE), and hence imported to Rome where the statue was placed in the Gardens of
Maecenas probably in the latter part of the first century BCE, at the peak of Augustus’ reign.317
313 On wall paintings from the Gardens of Maecenas as part of the transitory late Second Pompeian Style and early Third Style
from Augustan Rome, see: Bastet & De Vos 1979, 22-23; Barbet 1985, 42-44, 97; Ling 1991, 31-47; Iacopi 1997, 8-9: Id. 2008, 5-7, 76; Mielsch 2001, 54-66.
314 This is documented in the records of the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma at Palazzo, including the Altemps Museum
records and nineteenth century excavation references.
315 Zanker 1987, 141-142.
316 Inventory Nr. 182594 at the Palazzo Altemps, Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma. The statue has been reconstructed and
is currently on display at the Palazzo Altemps, Rome. See: Kater-Sibbes & Vermaseren 1975; Malaise 1972 REF NR; Roullet 1972, 242, 267.
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Fig. 41. Apis bull, currently at Palazzo Altemps, Rome. Photos: M. van Aerde. Copyright Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma.
Stylistically this Apis bull is indeed recognisable as part of traditional Egyptian iconography: the remaining section identifiable as solar disc confirms its identity as the Memphis bull deity, and the rendering of its features combines realism with a static, regal posture, as is characteristic of Apis bull
statues known from especially Ptolemaic Egyptian examples.318
The material it is made of has so far always been identified as diorite with pink crystalline inclusions; however recent archaeometrical research conducted by Sander Müskens in 2012 has shown that the material is almost certainly
porphyritic granodiorite, known from specific quarries in Aswan, Egypt.319
Types of diorite are also rare but can be quarried in various places in Europe, however porphyritic granodiorite can only be found in
Egypt.320
This seems to support the hypothesis that the statue was originally manufactured in Egypt in the second century BCE and was subsequently transferred to Rome. The actual time of this transfer cannot be deduced from these data, however. Maecenas may well have purchased the bull in Rome, while the statue itself had been transferred to Italy as early as 150 BCE. Likewise, the possibility that the statue was shipped directly from Egypt during Maecenas’ lifetime cannot be dismissed either.
The second manifestation of Egypt known from the gardens is also a stone statue, generally referred to
318 See: Kater-Sibbes & Vermaseren 1975; Hölb 1981, 157-186; Thompson 2012, 177-196.
319 Müskens’ archaeometrical research was conducted in collaboration with the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma and the
University of Leuven in order to effectively determine the mineral composition of Egyptian hardstone. Preliminary results were presented at the Royal Dutch Institute in Rome (KNIR) in 2012. See: Müskens, forthcoming.
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as ‘Egyptian hunting dog’. But apart from its recorded excavation from the site of Gardens of Maecenas
virtually nothing is known about it (fig. 42A).321
The statue measures 1.20m in height and 55 cm in width and is recognisable as a large hunting dog depicted with remarkable attention to anatomic detail. The dog sits upright, in an alert pose, facing directly forwards. The details of the creature’s strong muscles and
fur are typical of lush and realistic Hellenistic animal portrayal.322
The figure appears to have been carved out of a single block, and has been remarkably well-preserved.
A B
Fig. 42. A: Egyptian hunting dog, made of granite hardstone, currently at Musei Capitolini, Rome. Photo: M. van Aerde. Copyright Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma. B: The ‘Jennings Dog’, copyright The Trustees of The British Museum.
This statue was given the label ‘Egyptian hunting dog’ because of the stone material it is made of; although the current museum display lists it as a marble statue (‘marble imitating granite’), it seems clearly recognisable in terms of appearance and texture as a type of Egyptian granite rather than a type of
321 The statue is currently on display at the Capitoline Musea in Rome, but it does not have an inventory number of museum
record as such. It is mentioned only, including references to its excavation in: Stuart-Jones 1926, 145 Nr. 27a; Häuber 1983, 211-213 Nr. 2; Idem. 1991.
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marble.323
No detailed research has yet been done to its specific properties or possible quarries where the stone may have been derived from, but the granite has a greenish tinge. The statue itself has no
additional features or attributes that seem to indicate a specific Egyptian theme connected with the dog. Based on its findspot it has been dated to the late first century BCE which would coincide with
Maecenas’ ownership of the garden.
There appear to be no criteria, apart from its material (green Egyptian granite), that would imply this statue to be a specific manifestations of Egypt – other than perhaps a visual similarity with upright seated hunting dogs found sometimes depicted in profile in Egypt, such as found on a wall relief at the
Tuna el-Gebel necropolis.324
However, this type of two-dimensional profile depiction is quite different from the three-dimensional statue in Rome, which could be viewed from all angles, even though the upright posture is similar. Also, the Egyptian hunting dog is depicted wearing a collar, whereas the Roman dog is not.
On the other hand, there are a number of well-known parallels of Roman hunting dog statues that show a similarity to this particular one: for example, the marble dog statue currently at the Belvere Court
of the Vatican Musea in Rome,325
and the so-called ‘Jennings dog’ or ‘dog of Alcibiades’ currently at The British Museum (see fig. 42B), which shows a distinct similarity to the Vatican Musea dog. The ‘Jennigs
dog’ statue is dated to Rome between 1st
–2nd Century CE, interpreted as ‘a Roman copy of a Hellenistic
bronze original’ made from luna marble.326
The dog is seated in a very similar pose to the ‘Egyptian hunting dog’; also the detailed rendering of its fur, paws, and muscle-tone is directly comparable. The ‘Jennings dog’ has a more dramatic head position, suggestion motion, whereas the ‘Egyptian’ dog holds its head in a straight, motionless pose. Other than that, only their material properties can be determined as distinctly different. This leads to the question, then, whether or not an object such as this hunting dog that lacks any stylistic, thematic or (known) contextual connections to Egypt can or should be regarded as a manifestation of Egyptian at all, when only the material it is made of can be identified as coming from Egypt.
The two large stone statues from the Horti Maecenatis discussed here each seem to call for very
323 Müskens 2012, personal communication. 324 Messiha & Elhitta 1979, 201, pl. 15.
325 The statue is listed, as part of the Vatican Musea Belevedere Court, as sculpture nr. 16. No additional records are known. The
statue is very briefly mentioned, along with an unknown example from Florence, as a copy of a bronze original from Pergamon in: Breber 1983, 241.
326 BM. Cat. No. 2001,1010.1. The statue was acquired by The British Museum in 2001, with no publications to date apart from its
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different interpretations. While the Apis bull statue indeed seems to be an example of an imported statue that was originally made in Egypt itself, the hunting dog seems more likely to have been made in Rome, based on comparisons with the ‘Jennings dog’ and the Vatcian Musea dog as mentioned above. In the latter case, only the granite material would have been imported from one of Egypt’s stone quarries, which were under Roman control the time.
3.4.2. Interpretation
With the rise of a new Augustan elite in Rome came a shift in Rome’s material culture. This became evident first within Augustus’ own inner circle and family, as we already saw in the Palatine complex discussed in the previous paragraphs, followed closely by similarities that can be observed among Augustus’ wider network of allies and friends. The Gardens of Maecenas seem to provide one of the earliest examples of this phenomenon (followed closely by Marcus Agrippa, whose villa is discussed in paragraph 3.5). The importance of Maecenas as a figurehead in this Augustan circle, in terms of his patronage of arts and poetry, is likely to have been connected to this: the gardens with their auditorium would have been a specifically important context for the development (as well as spread through exchange) of what, at this point, can still be considered deliberately incited cultural expressions to fit with Augustus increasing steps towards the transformation of Rome in terms of its urban landscape as well as its cultural expressions that would result in and enable the development of what would become specific Augustan material culture.
Different from the manifestations of Egypt we saw in the wall paintings from the Augustan residence on the Palatine or as part of the Apollo Palatinus temple complex, however, we here find a specifically ‘solid’ example of a recognisable Egyptian hardstone statue: the Apis bull. As mentioned above, it can indeed be considered as having been collected and brought to Rome, perhaps even especially now that Egypt had become an official province of Rome. Maecenas, as Augustus’ close friend and ally, would have been among the first of the city’s elite to give expression to this in terms of material culture, following the example of Augustus himself by incorporating manifestations of Egypt into his apparently (as described by literary sources) wealthy collection of artefacts. The choice for the Apis bull is nonetheless
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visit the Apis bull sanctuary in Memphis, which may be seen as a result of to the Roman aversion against
animal worship.327
However, the Apis bull was also associated with the deity Serapis, which had already gained popularity throughout the Roman world, unlike examples of Egyptian animal worship. When it is considred as a reference to Serapis rather than to the worship of the Memphis bull, the appearance of
this bull statue may not have been so misplaced in a Roman context in terms of it religious meaning.328
As Kater-Sibbes and Vermasen have stated, in regard to the association of Serapis with other Egyptian deities: ‘The Apis bull represents the over-renewing force of Osiris; [the two] since the Ptolemies were united and combined into the new Hellenistic divinity Sarapis. But this does not imply that the own
personalities of both Osiris and Apis completely disappeared’.329
On the other hand, religious meaning may not have been a factor in the appearance of this statue in a private garden context. It may have been chosen for decorative purposes, and as such there would have no qualms associated with an animal deity in the context of Rome. Most likely, in such a garden context it would have become disassociated with the religious cult in Memphis entirely, but instead would have taken on a decorative meaning, referring perhaps instead to the implied connection with Augustus’ conquest of Egypt and the subsequent peace and prosperity as a result of his civil war victory. However,
the bull may also have been considered a valuable antiquity to be collected especially because of its
implied religious meaning –whether referring to the Memphis Apis or by association to Serapis– similar to how we often see Greek antiquities depicting deities and myths collected by Romans in their villae or
gardens.330
In either view, the statue’s context was crucial for what meaning it would have implied. In the Gardens of Maecenas this bull would not have referred to the sacred bull of Memphis the way it would have in Egypt – rather, knowledge of its original Egyptian meaning will have contributed to its value in Rome, where at this time manifestations of Egypt were starting to become integral part of the wider
327 As recorded by Suet. Jul. 52.1 and Aug. 93; Dio 51.16.5. It is remarkable that Germanicus does visit Apis in Memphis during
his travels through Egypt, but the sacred bull refused to eat when he tried to feed him (as recorded in: Plin. HN 8.185; Amm. Marc. 22.14.8). The feeding of the Apis bull was seen in Egypt as an act of a new ruler, which means it would have been more fitting for Augustus to do. Regarding Augustus’ refusal to visit the Apis bull Weingärtner (1969, 144-145) argues: ‘Augustus wurde noch während seines Aufenthalts in Ägypten aufgefordert, den Apis aufzusuchen .. wobei diese ‘Begegnung’ von denjenigen, die sie betrieben, zweifellos nicht als eine Besichtigung im touristischen Sinne gemeint war, sonders als Hinführung des neuen Landesherrn.’ See also: Leemreize 2014, who reflects upon the meaning of literary passages describing (or omitting) certain stages of Germanicus’ travels through Egypt, including his visit to Apis in contrast to Augustus’ refusal to visit.
328 On Serapis in the Roman world, see: Malaise 1972, 163-168; Roullet 1972, 39-40; Tran-tam Thin 1982, 101-117; Ladislav 1981, 121-
150; Wild 1984, 1739-1851; Bourgeaud & Volokhine 2000, 37-76; Versluys 2002, 10-11, 111, 137; Minarčák 2007, 59-68.
329 Kater-Sibbes & Vermaseren 1975, ii.
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material culture repertoire available to and favoured by Augustus’ elite cirle.
As we will keep seeing throughout the development of Augustan material culture, this kind of
‘bundling’ of different interconnected meanings, as explored in chapter 2, becomes a specific element of Augustan material culture: namely, the flexibility of multiple layers of meanings that need not be singled out or isolated at all to be effective, even when they are not simultaneously implied within every specific
context that they are part of.331
Especially manifestations of Egypt such as this Apis bull present a good example of this. It comes with a particularly rich history of meaning from its original background (which we might call its cultural biography), namely from the ancient origin of Apis worship in Memphis to its manufacturing in Ptolemaic Egypt – but in the context of Rome from 28BCE onwards, especially in a private garden of an important member of Augustus’ own inner circle, it gains new additional layers of meaning in reference to Augustus’ victory and, as such, to transformation of Rome itself.
The ‘Egyptian’ hunting dog presents a different case. Based only on the use of Egyptian granite material has it been identified as such – but would this choice of material indeed be sufficient for it to really become a manifestation of Egypt within the context of the Gardens of Maecenas? If there are visual similarities with hunting dogs depicted on tomb reliefs in Egypt, which we can derive today, it seems unlikely that Roman citizens would be aware of this, or make such an association. Within its Roman context, perhaps, if the dog statue were placed in the vicinity of the Apis bull, it may have gained an Egyptian association based on the similarity of its granite material to the granite material of the Egyptian bull statue. The lack of specific Egyptian attributes related to the dog statue itself, then, would imply that such an interpretation would have relied solely on the choice of material. As we will see in the
continuation of this overview, when manifestations of Egypt develop throughout Augustan material culture into the more personal sphere (see especially paragraphs 3.7. and 3.10) , we see that it are especially specific traditional Egyptian attributes and stylistic elements that seem to mark
manifestations of Egypt, while the chosen materials are never specifically Egyptian at all. However, this may be due strictly to practical reasons: as a rich and politically very well connected patrician, Maecenas of course had the means to attain Egyptian hardstone through expensive transport routes from Egypt – whereas smaller workshops in Rome would not.
At this point in the overview, these two statues from the Horti Maecenati provide two cases very different from what we have seen so far at the Palatine Hill. It is the first time we encounter an object
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originally made in and imported from Egypt. Likewise, it is the first time that we find an object that may only be linked to Egypt because of the material it is made of. The manifestations of Egypt we
encountered at the Augustan Palatine complex could all be seen as direct references to Augustus himself – whereby references of Egypt, in effect of their context, became references to Augustus’ political
victories, rather than merely examples of Egypt as a conquered land. Egypt had become Rome, just as Augustus had become Rome. But in the Gardens of Maecenas we witness how manifestations of Egypt were becoming part of Rome’s wider material culture – of course the link to Augustus is still strong here, Maecenas being among the most prominent of the new Augustan elite; but the manner of reference is quite different. Whereas the Palatine complex and also the Augustan victory coins seem indeed to have been manufactured with this connection between Augustus and Egypt in mind, the Apis bull may well have been in Rome for much longer, and would only have gained that connection to Augustus by Maecenas’ choice to purchase it and display it at his garden complex. The statue itself was not made in Rome for that purpose; it was made in Egypt, where it would have held quite different religious
meanings. Its new context in Maecenas’ gardens would not have erased these original meanings, either – they, too, became part of the repertoire available to the Augustan elite. Thus the type of manifestations of Egypt available in Rome was significanty widened, initially here among the elite – and as a result these manifestations of Egypt were becoming integral components of Rome’s material culture repertoire as a whole. Interestingly, in that light, the granite hunting dog may not have been considered a manifestation
of Egypt at all, but simply part of the already much wider Hellenistic koine, wherein Egyptian hardstone
combined with statues from Pergamon would not compose a strange image as part of Roman material culture at all. This, too, shows how suddenly a distinctly widening diversity seems to rise from Augustus’