CONDICIONES ESENCIALES DEL CONTRATO

There were a number of us. Whether it was I or another who fired the first shot is simply conjecture. The chief point for us is that our work was successful. We have rendered the Fatherland a tremendous service, and we are highly satisfied at our success. The first shot at [Gen- eral Lazar] Petrovich [the king’s adjutant] was from the revolver of Capt.[Milan] Ristice, who is a noted marks- man. Petrovich was hit in the forehead and fell dead instanteaneously.

Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Misitch, one of the leaders of the coup and successful assassination that deposed King Alexander, from a Berlin report of June 12, 1903, quoted by the New York Times, Details of the Belgrade

Tragedy, June 13, 1903, p. 1. It is true that my partisans have a complete organiza- tion in Servia, with which I am in frequent commu- nication. I know from other sources that the discon- tent of the Servian people had reached its height, but I could not possibly have foreseen the events of the other night. I in no way contributed to their prepara- tion, and I took no part, direct or indirect, in them. On the contrary their perpetration surprised me. . . . I was first informed of the royal tragedy enacted at Belgrade the following morning by a telegram from a cousin of mine in Vienna. Later a Montenegro friend confirmed the news, which till then I had regarded as quite unofficial. I have received numerous messages of congratulation, but that is all. I calmly await the trend of events. So long as no formal proposals reach me I have no reason to leave Geneva, and I will remain here. No one has yet asked me to return to Servia. No one has yet offered me the crown. I am even without news of the members of my family, who reside in Bel- grade. My opinion of the execution of the King and Queen of Servia is this. I deeply regret that it has been thought necessary to shed streams of blood. I formally disapprove of the violent measures, and I especially deplore the fact that the army has had recourse to such measures—an army which has nobler tasks to accomplish than assassination. It would have sufficed to force King Alexander to sign his abdication. He could have been bound, as has been done in other circumstances. It is a horrible thing to shed blood. . . . Regarding foreign relations, it has been alleged that I am systematically hostile to Austria. That is false. May be I am in special sympathy with Russia, to which

country, I sent my boy in the hope that he would take service there.

Prince Peter Karageorgevich, to be chosen as king of Serbia on June 15, 1903, on hearing of the coup d’état and murder of King Alexander of Serbia in Belgrade, in a statement issued from his home in Geneva, Switzerland, on June 13, 1903, as quoted in the New York Times, in “Interview with the New king of Servia,”

June 13, 1903, p. 1. It has been well known that there have been two parties in Servia, the one struggling to maintain King Alexan- der on the throne, and the other to set up somebody else. The advocates of the pretender’s claims have been occupying practically the same position as the Carlists in Spain. They have naturally been working to bring about their ends, but that they would resort to such tactics was never dreamed of. . . . No countries in Europe are more desirous of having peace in Servia than Russia and Austria. In fact, all the countries of Europe would pre-

Kaiser Wilhelm reassured his fellow emperor, Franz Josef of Austria- Hungary, of his support in dealing with the troublesome South Slav provinces. (Library of Congress)

fer to see conditions peaceful in Servia. . . . The nations of Europe don’t think [Servia] worth gobbling [up]. However, the questions of Servia never will be settled until all the nations have a part in its solving. Peace will be kept just now, anyway. There is nothing for the pow- ers to do over the present crisis in the country’s affairs except to let it go, although taking good care that peace is maintained. A European war would be too great and terrible a thing to start of an affair like this.

U.S. ambassador to Austria-Hungary Bellamy Storer, giving his views on the coup d’état in Serbia that deposed and killed King Alexander, as quoted in an interview in the New York Times, “Bellamy Storer’s Views,” June 14, 1903, p. 11.

Dear Franzi,

The Slav danger has revealed itself amazingly in its delu- sions and violence within the last months. According to your presentation Belgrade and Prague conspire on the basis of a fixed programme. . . . Behind both of them stands Moscow; how far Cracow and Lemberg are in the game I cannot judge. But apparently the Pan Slav danger is the greater one for Austria, since it pulls the lever in your own country through the Czechs. . . . It endangers the preservation of the Monarchy because she has recently incorporated Slavonic lands, and thus is in the process of becoming a second Slavonic Great Power.

Kaiser Wilhelm in a letter to Emperor Franz Josef, February 12, 1909, regarding the Balkan Crisis, quoted in Lavender Cassels, The Archduke and the Assassin, p. 98.

Two months ago . . . on the opening day of the Diet of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a young Servian, the student Bogdan Zeraji´c, made an attempt in Sarajevo to kill the ˇ Governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, General Marian Veresanin. Zeraji´c fired five shots at this renegade, who ˇ had assured his career by pouring out the blood of his brothers in the famous insurrection in Rakovica, but owing to a remarkable accident, did not succeed in kill- ing him. Whereupon the brave and composed ˇZeraji´c fired the sixth and last bullet through his own head, and immediately fell dead. In Vienna, they know very well that it was not the reading of Russian and revolution- ary writings which had induced ˇZeraji´c to make this attempt, but that he acted thus as the noble scion of a race which wished to protest against foreign rule in this bloody way. . . . In Vienna, it was desired that every

memory of ˇZeraji´c should be extinguished, and that no importance should be attached to his attempt; but just this fear of the dead ˇZeraji´c, and the prohibition against mentioning his name throughout Bosnia and Herze- govina, brought it about that his name is spoken among the people as something sacred today, on the 18th of August, perhaps more than ever.

Editorial in Politika (a Serbian newspaper), August 18, 1910, quoted in Supplement I, Opinions of the Serbian Press, The Austro-Hungarian Red Book, in

Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War, p. 472. The investigation of Jukic’s assassination attempt in Agram has led to the discovery of a secret South Slav youth organisation extending throughout Croatia and Dalmatia and possibly into Bosnia. The statutes of this organisation, which were drawn up in 1909, are not subversive, but during the past year schoolboys in Dal- matia have formed a new secret revolutionary off shoot of it—“Jugoslavia”—whose declared objective is the establishment of a republican state consisting of Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Hercegovina and Macedonia, in con- junction with Serbia and Montenegro.

Col. Karl Bardolff, in a memorandum, August 1912, to Franz Ferdinand, quoted in Lavender Cassels, The

Archduke and the Assassin, p. 134. Already in the First Balkan War I could have let it come to an European war, in order to acquire Bosnia and Herzegovina: but as I feared that we should then be forced to make large concessions to Bulgaria in Mace- donia, I wanted first of all to secure the possession of Macedonia for Serbia and only then to proceed to the acquisition of Bosnia.

Nikola Paši´c, prime minister of Serbia, in a note to the Serbian chargé d’affaires in Berlin, following the March 1913 peace conference that ended the Second Balkan War, quoted in Sidney Bradshaw Fay, The Origins of the

World War, vol. I, p. 446. Five years ago today an imperial decree extended the sovereignty of the Habsburg sceptre over Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Servian people will feel for decades yet the grief that was that day inflicted on them. Shamed and shattered, the Servian people groaned in despair. The people vow to take vengeance in attaining freedom by a heroic step. This day has aroused the energy that had already sunk to sleep, and soon the refreshed here will

strive for freedom. Today when Servian graves adorn the ancient Servian territories, when the Servian cavalry has trod the battlefields of Macedonia and old Servia [Kosovo], the Servian people having ended their task in the South turn to the other side, whence the groans and tears of the Servian brother are heard, and where the gallows has its home. The Servian soldiers who today in Dušan’s kingdom fight those Albanians who were pro- voked against us by the state which took Bosnia and Her- zegovina from us, vowed to march against “the second Turkey” [i.e., Austria-Hungary] even as with God’s help they had marched against the Balkan Turkey. They make this vow and hope that the day of revenge is drawing near. One Turkey vanished. The good Servian God will grant that the “second Turkey” will vanish too.

Editorial in Pijemont (organ of the Black Hand), October 8, 1913, quoted in Supplement I, Opinions of the Serbian Press, The Austro-Hungarian Red

Book, reprinted in Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War,

pp. 474–475.

I do not remember whether it was at the end of May or the beginning of June, when one day, Mr. Paši´c said to us (he conferred on these matters more particularly with Stojan Protitch, who was then Minister of the Interior; but this much he said to the rest of us) that certain persons were making ready to go to Sarajevo to murder Franz Ferdinand who was to go there to be solemnly received on St. Vitus’ Day. As they told me afterwards, this plot was hatched by a group of secretly organized persons and by patriotic Bosno-Hercegovinian students in Belgrade. M. Paši´c and the rest of us said, and Stojan agreed, that he should issue instructions to the frontier authorities on the Drina [River] to prevent the cross- ing over of the youths who had already set out from Belgrade for that purpose. But the frontier “authorities” themselves belonged to the organization, and did not carry out Stojan’s instructions, but reported to him (as he afterwards told us) that the instructions had reached them too late, because the youths had already crossed over.

Recollection of Ljuba Jovanovitch, Serbian minister of Education (and cofounder of the Black Hand) regarding foreknowledge of the assassination plot by Serbian officials in early June 1914, published in a 1924 Serbian journal, and because of its sensational nature, reprinted in English publications in 1925, quoted in Sidney Bradshaw Fay,

The Origins of the World War, vol 2, p. 62.

Your Imperial and Royal Highness! Your Highness! Our hearts are filled with joy over your most gracious visit. . . . Your Highnesses can read in our countenances our feelings of love and devotion, unshakeable loy- alty and obedience to His Majesty our Emperor and King. . . . All the citizens of Sarajevo, overwhelmed with happiness, greet your Highnesses’ most illustrious visit with the utmost enthusiasm, convinced that Your Highnesses’ stay in our beloved city of Sarajevo will still further increase Your Highnesses’ most gracious interest in our progress and well being, and deepen that gratitude and loyalty which is for ever rooted in our hearts.

Speech by Mayor Fehim ˇCurˇci´c to Franz Ferdinand and Sophie at town hall, Sarajevo, after the first assassination attempt had failed, June 28, 1914, as cited in Lavender Cassels, The Archduke and the Assassin, p. 176.

What moved me primarily was revenge for the oppres- sion which the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina had had to suffer, especially the “Exceptional Laws” which last year continued for two full months. . . . I regarded revenge as the holy duty of a moral civilized man, and therefore I planned to take vengeance. . . . I knew that there existed at the Ballplatz [the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office] a clique, the so called war-party, which wanted to conquer Serbia. At its head stood the Heir to the Throne. I believed that I should take vengeance on them all in taking vengeance on him . . . I hated him because he was an enemy of Serbia. . . . All the injustices of which I read in the newspapers—all this had collected in me until it burst forth on St. Vitus’s Day.

Confession of Nedjelko ˇCabrinovi´c, assassination plot member, referring to motives on June 28, 1914, cited in Sidney Bradshaw Fay, The Origins of the World War, vol 2, p. 130.

As the car quickly reversed a thin stream of blood spurted out of his Imperial Highness’s mouth on to my right cheek. With one hand I got out my handkerchief to wipe the blood from the Archduke’s face, and as I did so Her Highness called out, “In God’s name what has happened to you?” Then she collapsed, her face between the Archduke’s knees. I had no idea that she was hit and thought she had fainted from fear. His Imperial High- ness then said, “Sopherl! Sopherl! Don’t die! Live for my children.” I took hold of the collar of his tunic in order to prevent his head sinking forward and asked him “Is

Your Imperial Highness in great pain?” He answered distinctly “It is nothing.” Then he turned his face a little to one side and said six or seven times, more faintly as he began to lose consciousness, “It is nothing.” There was a very brief pause, then the bleeding made him choke violently, but this stopped when we reached the Konak.

Deposition by Count Franz Harrach, a member of Franz Ferdinand’s entourage, who had been riding on the running board of the car in which Franz Ferdinand was assassinated, June 28, 1914, cited in Lavender Cassels,

The Archduke and the Assassin, p. 179. About 5 P.M. an official from the Press Bureau rang

me up on the telephone and told me what had hap- pened that morning at Sarajevo. Although I knew what was being prepared there, yet, as I held the receiver, I felt as though someone had dealt me an unexpected blow; and a little later, when the first news was con- firmed from other quarters, I began to be overwhelmed with grave anxiety. I did not doubt for a moment that Austria-Hungary would make this the occasion for a war on Serbia. I saw that the position of our Govern- ment and our country in regard to the other Powers would now become very difficult, in every way worse than after [June 11, 1903, the day of the assassination of King Alexander], or than at the time of our later conflicts with Vienna and Budapest. I was afraid that all the European Courts would feel themselves the targets of Princip’s bullets, and would turn away from us with the approval of the monarchist and conservative ele- ments in their countries. And even if it did not come to that, who would dare to defend us? I knew that neither France, nor, still less, Russia, was in a position to match herself with Germany and her ally on the Danube [Aus- tria-Hungary], because their preparations were not to be complete until 1917. This especially filled me with anxiety and fear.

Ljuba Jovanovich, minister of Education in the Serbian cabinet [and founding member of the Black Hand], recalling his receipt of the news of the assassination on June 28, 1914, quoted in Sidney Bradshaw Fay, The

Origins of the World War, vol 2, pp. 63–64. Nedeljko Cabrinovi´c, a compositor by profession, was ˇ full of anarchical ideas, and well known as a restless spirit. Until twenty days ago, he lived in Belgrade, whither he came after the war and was employed in the State printing works. Before his departure he announced that

he was going to Trieste, where he would get work in a new printing works. Gavrilo Princip also was living at Belgrade until a short time ago. During the war he offered his services as a volunteer, but was not accepted, and therefore he left Belgrade. He returned, however, at Christmas last year to Belgrade, attended the gymnasium for a time, and left Belgrade almost at the same time as ˇ

Cabrinovi´c, though in a different direction. Princip was a silent nervous, hard-working student, and associated with some fellow students who came, like himself, from Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as latterly with ˇCabrinovi´c. He inclined towards socialistic ideas although he had originally belonged to the Young Men Progressive Party. Princip, like ˇCabrinovi´c, was brought up at Serajevo; the two have been bound by ties of the closest friendship since their childhood.

Report in newspaper Balkan, June 29, 1914, reprinted in Section 2, Appendix 9, Austro-Hungarian Red

Book, in Collected Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European War,

p. 494.

Your Excellency has been good enough to communi- cate to me the impressions which have been collected by our Ambassador at Berlin with regard to the démarche which the Austro-Hungarian Minister is proposing to make at Belgrade. These impressions have been con- firmed by a conversation which I had yesterday with the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Sir Edward Grey told me that he had seen the German Ambassador, who stated to him that at Berlin a démarche of the Austro- Hungarian Government to the Servian Government was expected. Prince Lichnowsky assured him that the German Government were endeavouring to hold back and moderate the Cabinet of Vienna, but that up to the present time they had not been successful in this, and that he was not without anxiety as to the results of a démarche of this kind. Sir Edward Grey answered Prince Lichnowsky that he would like to believe that, before intervening at Belgrade, the Austro-Hungarian Government had fully informed themselves as to the circumstances of the conspiracy to which the Heredi- tary Archduke and the duchess of Hohenburg had fallen victims, and had assured themselves that the Servian Government had been cognisant of it and had not done all that lay in their power to prevent the consequences. For if it could not be proved that the Servian Gov- ernment were responsible and implicated to a certain degree, the intervention of Austria-Hungary would not

be justified and would arouse against them the opinion of Europe.

The communication of Prince Lichnowsky had left Sir Edward Grey with an impression of anxiety which he did not conceal from me. The same impression was given me by the Italian Ambassador, who also fears the possibility of fresh tension in Austro-Servian relations.

This morning the Servian Minister came to see me, and he shares the apprehensions of Sir Edward Grey. He fears that Austria may make of the Servian Government