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Abstract

During recent years, the number of immigrants and refugees is on the rise in Europe. Research shows they are at risk of social exclusion, partly due to disruptive social networks. To counter these social challenges, adult education has an important role to play in offering second-language courses. Obtaining the host country language is one of the crucial factors in order to achieve successful integration. Acknowledging these trends, the current study examines the social capital and social inclusion of newcomers who follow second-language courses (N=30) through individual interviews. We have developed a qualitative instrument to map their social network, from which we derive information about their social capital and social inclusion. Our findings reveal that the newcomers maintain social capital through transnational and local relationships with family and friends.

Participation in the L2-course also seems to be a source of social capital because adults build new relationships with peers and their teachers. Besides this, newcomers’ social inclusion is constrained due to their educational participation and their lack of language skills. However, they are able to engage in more social activities and feel more related to society because of improving their language skills. Based on these findings, we conclude with two implications for the adult education practice in order to foster social capital and social inclusion of adult newcomers.

Introduction

Immigration to Europe has increased tremendously over the past fifteen years according to the United Nations (2016). Additional numbers show that the amount of refugees has never been as high since World War II. In Europe, the migration and refugee population faces high risks of poverty and social exclusion (Lelkes & Zolyomi, 2011). In countering these social challenges, adult education plays a crucial role through the provision of second-language courses. Newcomers are urged to learn the host country language because it is indispensable throughout the integration process (De Paola & Brunello, 2016). Research also showed that participation in adult education is positively related to benefits such as social inclusion and social capital (Manninen et al., 2014), especially for newcomers (Cocquyt, Diep, Zhu, De Greef, & Vanwing, 2017). Building on these findings, the current study examines the social capital and social inclusion of newcomers who follow second-language courses (i.e. L2-courses).

Theoretical framework

Social capital

The reciprocal relationship between adult education and social capital was outlined by Field (2005), stating that social capital influences adult learning, which in turn affects social capital. According to Bourdieu (1980), social capital consists of the resources arising from the possession of a durable social network. Next, Coleman (1988) emphasized the

functional and productive role of social capital, since it produces benefits to individuals. In the present study, the individual-structural approach to social capital is employed, because of the focus on individual’s social networks which produce important resources.

Consequently, the following definition of social capital is proposed: ‘the sum of resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual by virtue of possessing a durable network of

more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p.119). Additionally, Putnam (2000) conceptualized social capital as consisting of close personal ties (i.e., bonding social capital) as well as ties which build bridges between different societal groups (i.e., bridging social capital). Granovetter (1973) described bridging social capital as ‘weak ties’ and bonding social capital as ‘strong ties’. Weak ties are valuable in retrieving information normally not available to people in their immediate social network (i.e. bonding social capital). Social capital is connected to other outcomes of adult education, being human and identity capital (Schuller, Preston, Hammond, Brassett-Grundy, & Bynner, 2004).

Social inclusion

Not only policy-makers, but researchers worldwide connected adult education to social inclusion. Social inclusion implies that citizens fully participate in society (World Bank, 2016). In addition, affective components of social inclusion have been brought to attention (Grieve, Indian, Witteveen, Tolan, & Marrington, 2013). Capturing the participatory and affective function, social inclusion is defined as the combination of social participation and social connectedness. Social participation is defined as ‘the extent to which a subject takes part in different social networks and other activities in society’ (Ekström, Ivanoff, & Elmstahl, 2013, p.459). Social connectedness refers to the ‘self-evaluation of the degree of closeness between the self and other people, the community, and society at large’ (Lee, Dean, & Jung, 2008, p.415).

Problem statement: Social capital and social inclusion of newcomers

Since newcomers are at risk of social exclusion (Lelkes & Zolyomi, 2011), it is valuable to understand their experiences regarding social capital and social inclusion while they are engaged in L2-courses. Some studies already scrutinized the social benefits of adult education (Cocquyt et al., 2017; Manninen et al., 2014), while others mapped the social networks of immigrants (de Miguel Luken & Tranmer, 2010; Herz, 2015). This study brings together both approaches. The main objective was to explore the social capital and social inclusion of adult newcomers following L2-courses in Flanders (Belgium), from a social network perspective. Therefore, we propose the following research question: How do adult newcomers give shape to their social capital and social inclusion during their participation in L2-courses?

Methodology

The current study applied a qualitative exploratory case-study design. This approach allows an ‘intensive study of a single case where the purpose of that study is –at least in part- to shed light on a larger class of cases’ (Gerring, 2007, p.20).

Context and participants

In Flanders, the centers for Adult Education and centers for Adult Basic Education (ABE) offer L2-courses to adult newcomers. The centers for ABE organize L2-courses only for low-educated newcomers. It was in this context that the study was conducted. To optimize the participation of newcomers, a step-wise approach was followed. First, the permission of the overarching Federation of centers for ABE was granted. The Federation distributed the call for participation among all centers, four of which approved. Depending on the readiness of each individual teacher, the research was presented to the adult learners during their lessons. After the presentation, the learners could decide if they wanted to engage in an interview.

In total, 30 adult learners participated in the study. The majority was female, whereas only nine male learners collaborated. Respondents had an average age of 36, ranging from 18

to 63. The adults were originally from different countries and spoke various languages as mother tongue. Most respondents came from the Middle-East, e.g. Syria, and Africa, e.g. Congo, few had their roots in Eastern-Europe or Asia. In general, the participants were already living in Belgium for approximately one or two years. With the exception of some adults who were in the country for a longer period. Additional socio-demographic

information shows that almost all respondents are unemployed, have children and have access to internet at home. All of them were directed to L2-courses at the centers for ABE because of their limited previous education or low literacy levels. Due to their background, all demonstrated a low level of Dutch, i.e. the regional language.

Data collection and analysis

Before conducting the individual interviews, observations were made to be able to contextualize their responses. Next, interviews were organized to gain insights into the social capital and social inclusion of the participants. The interviews took place during classes to increase participation. Participants could speak their native language during the interview in order to express themselves fully. In case the participant spoke a language other than French or English, the support of a translator was arranged. All translators were briefed about the purpose of the interview beforehand and translated participants’

responses literally.

At the beginning of the interview, participants were guaranteed anonymity. The interview consisted of three parts. First, the respondents filled in a brief background questionnaire. For the second part, we developed an instrument inspired by Van Waes et al. (2016) to conduct qualitative social network analysis (SNA). The qualitative SNA sheds light on newcomers’ social networks, focusing on four life domains: their family, friends, people from the course, and significant others. The respondents depicted their social relationships in those domains visually on a network ‘map’. The visual representation of the adult

learner’s social networks gives us information about their social capital. While conducting the qualitative SNA, the newcomers were probed by questioning the meaning and

importance of their social network. Finally, the qualitative SNA was complemented by in depth-questions about adult newcomer’s social inclusion and experiences throughout the course so far.

All interviews were transcribed literally and thematically coded using NVivo. Besides this, photographs were taken from all network maps. We analyzed them not only by looking at the amount of social relationships, but especially according to the meaning participants had attributed to them. The results of the thematic coding and the qualitative SNA were combined in order to answer the research question.

Results

A view on adult newcomer’s social capital: transnational and positive relationships

The findings of the qualitative SNA show that the newcomers maintain relationships with family and friends across borders. Their social networks consist of the combination of local and transnational relationships. This reveals the transnational nature of newcomers’ social networks.

My wife is in Iraq. And I am also in good contact with my brothers and sisters. They still live in Iraq too. I have four sisters, with two I have a good relationship. I use Viber to talk to them. [R12]

Next, it seems that most respondents have built positive relationships with their peers and teachers in the center for ABE. However, respondents indicate that sharing a common language is a prerequisite to develop a close relationship.

In school, I do not have close friends, because most of the people in my class are talking Arabic. I am not Arabic, so I do not understand them. We just say hello and goodbye. There is another girl from my country, she is a friend, but we are not in the same class. [R20]

Once a close tie has formed, peers offer each other help with homework, taking care of the children, finding a job or a new place to stay. Some participants even consider people they got to know in school as true friends or family.

She is a bit older, she is like a big sister to me. She is also Turkish, and we can communicate well. That is why I feel really close. [R25]

Our analysis also reveals that access to a ‘key figure’ who is proficient in the language of the host country is important. This key figure makes access to services available, gives emotional support and aids to undertake social activities.

When we have a problem with things related to Belgium, we go to Ahmed’s house because he lives here for a long time and can help. Because he knows the systems and such. [R26]

Patricia for example, she encouraged me to leave Brussels so I could integrate better and learn the language better. Because she, she writes and speaks Dutch very very very well. She grew up here and speaks Dutch so well. She truly encourages me. [R1]

Perspectives on social inclusion: constrained social participation and social connectedness

From the analyses, it emerges that participant’s social participation is constrained due to their educational participation. Throughout the interviews, newcomers report limited participation in social activities: they visit family or friends in the weekend or go shopping for groceries. Some of the participants describe the impact of their extensive engagement in the L2-course on their social lives.

I come to school to learn, and after school I do my homework. It’s just leaving home to go to school and going back home after class. Sometimes I go out into the city, that’s it. During the weekend I take care of household chores or go to the market to buy

groceries. [R6]

Most respondents also indicate that their lack of understanding and speaking the language limits their activities. However, following the L2-course has equipped them with improved language skills. As a consequence, they are able to do more things by themselves.

My Dutch has improved so much, before I could not speak it at all, I understood nothing. Now, I can go buy groceries by myself, I can communicate with the vendors, I can communicate with people, I can voice my opinion. [R6]

Some adults would like to increase their social participation. They ask to be involved in voluntary work in order to get to know new people and to practice language skills.

We do not have a lot of contact with Belgians, that is why I would ask the school to organize some voluntary work for us. It is not necessary to get paid for it, that is not my intention, but one or three hours a week would be so good to practice the language. En plus, we can mean something as a volunteer, that is a positive experience. [R30]

Regarding social connectedness, most respondents acknowledge the importance of acquiring the language of the host country. As long as they cannot express themselves properly, they feel poorly connected to society. Respondent 26 says: ‘I feel more citizen this way because I am able to speak the language better now’.

Discussion

Concerning social capital, the results of the qualitative SNA reveal that adult newcomers sustain local and transnational networks. This means that they have relationships with family and friends in the home and host country. Therefore, they can rely on various people in their network to give them support or access to information. In other words, their social capital not only originates from local, but also from transnational relationships. According to Herz (2015) transnational relationships are an important source of emotional support. On the local level, access to a key figure seems valuable. A key figure is

someone in their network who has been in the host country for a considerable amount of time and who is proficient in the regional language. According to our results, this key figure is often a relative or a very close friend. The importance of the key figure lays in the fact that s/he is able to enlarge adult newcomer’s bridging social capital, i.e. information or resources that are not directly accessible in their own surroundings.

Furthermore, participation in the L2-course also seems to be a source of social capital. Adults build new relationships with peers and their teachers during their participation. However, sharing a common language is a prerequisite in order to develop a close relationship according to the participants. Building such close ties entails social capital benefits for the adult learners. In other words, they create access to new support sources and enlarge their network. On the other hand, those kinds of relationships could yield disadvantages for the class group as a whole. Adults who do not share a mutual language with their peers could feel excluded. As a result, the sense of community among peers could be negatively influenced and social capital might decrease.

The social inclusion of the participating newcomers is constrained due to their educational participation and their lack of language skills. The respondents do not engage extensively in social activities nor feel closely connected to the society because of two reasons. First of all, they engage a lot of time and effort in their language education, leaving limited leisure time. Besides, their rather low levels of language proficiency inhibit them from engagement in activities in which Dutch is the official language. Lack of social participation might also cause limited feelings of social connectedness. However, we can derive from the interviews that participation in L2-courses is perceived as valuable because it

enhances respondent’s language skills. In turn, improved language proficiency might increase their social participation and social connectedness. In other words, adult

newcomers are able to do more activities by themselves and feel more related to society due to developing their language skills. This finding demonstrates the interplay between human capital and social outcomes of learning (Schuller et al., 2004). Our results identify the necessity to develop more human capital (i.e. language skills) first, in order to promote enhanced self-esteem, social inclusion or social capital. It is through acquiring better language skills, that newcomers feel more confident to engage in social activities and experience social connectedness. Hence, our results confirm the reciprocal relationship between human, social and identity capital.

Implications for adult education

Our results yield two major implications for the adult education practice. First of all, teachers could aspire to foster community-building among all peers irrespective of their native language, in order to enhance newcomer’s social capital. Possible methods might

be collaborative learning such as an online group-chat in which all learners write or speak Dutch with each other, whether or not facilitated by a teacher. Secondly, newcomers’ social inclusion could be enhanced due to more opportunities to practice their language skills and connect to society. As some participants suggested, volunteering could facilitate great learning and network opportunities. Going out on field trips together with the class might also help to reduce barriers to participate in certain events or organizations. Conclusion

The current results acknowledge that newcomers are able to maintain their existing social capital through local and transnational relationships. Moreover, they also seem to enhance their social capital through relationships with peers in the classroom and connections with a key figure. Next to this, our findings reveal constrained social inclusion. Yet, acquiring better language skills throughout the L2-course encourages the newcomers to engage more in social activities. As a result, they feel more socially connected. Therefore, adult newcomers seem to develop their social capital and boost their social inclusion during their participation in second-language courses.

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