The role of fathers in Aotearoa New Zealand changed after the First World War and can be linked to the economic changes within the labour market and changes that welcomed the increasing number of women entering the workforce (Callister, 1995). This in turn changed the concept of fair wage, a definition of which was enshrined in legislation and established the obligation for a man supporting his wife and one to three children (Woods as cited in Birks & Callister, 1999). This notion of men as the breadwinner is still prevalent in the psyche of our society, leaving many fathers struggling to spend adequate time with their children (Breiding-Buss, 2000; Callister, 1999). Many men respond to this social conditioning by working long hours in multiple jobs to meet the expectation of them as the breadwinner. This process has been exacerbated by the effects of rampant consumerism and the negative social affects left on our society if one does not keep up with the Jones’s (Davidson & Palmer, 2004).
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Social construction of separated fathers
Society’s norms have established a precedent for how a family is created and the roles of heteronormativity, which has been normalised by society and legislation. Mitchell and Chapman (2009) identify that there is significant difference between the experiences of fathers compared to mothers when separating from their wives: The father is less prepared for the separation; he is not in favour of the separation, due to the changing norms and his role as breadwinner, husband and father; increasingly, his children choose not to live with him. Current discussions and focus groups are addressing these concerns of only placing child(ren) in their mother’s care, as it was viewed that mothers are frequently awarded full custody, while fathers gain only limited access and visitation rights (Amato, 2004; Hetherington, 2003; Smyth, 2004, as cited in Mitchell & Chapman, 2009; Pettitt, 2000). Meyer and Garasky (1991) identified five commonly held truisms about fathers after they had separated/divorced from their wives/partners and the stigma associated by society, which was upheld by McGill’s (2011) research:
The first truism identifies that fathers have higher incomes than mothers. A comprehensive study completed by the Treasury in New Zealand introduced a model called the ‘Integration of Income Elasticity Results’ using data from Dunedin study participants (Gibson, 2010). The study took a longitudinal approach of people born in Dunedin between 1972 and 1973. The results suggested that income for men and women are comparable to other developed countries but that male participants received a proportionally higher income than woman participants. The 2006 Census in Aotearoa New Zealand also found this to be true, showing that men earned on average $31,500 compared to $19,100 for women (Statistics New Zealand, 2014b). Due to the nature of the report it was unable to determine if single fathers accessing social service supports receive the same benefits as single mothers, however, the report determined that women received a higher rate per hour when working part-time compared to men. In addition, WINZ is encouraging their clients to take up part time work while taking care of their children (Ministry of Social Development, 2016e).
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Second, there are not many custodial fathers. Birks and Callister (1999) state “as long as the focus is on custody being awarded to one parent, with the other not having an effective parenting role, there is a danger that any perceived solution might be one in which more fathers had custody” (p. 133). In Aotearoa New Zealand there seems to be a disparity in the awarding of custodial care. The Courts appear to favour the mother for reasons mainly informed by a view that fathers generally create negative environments (Mitchell & Chapman, 2009). Pettitt (2000) suggests that this notion is based on “personal sexism”, namely that police are dismissive of fathers who report physical abuse at the hands of their female partners. Moreover, shame prevents many men from reporting the physical abuse to which they are subjected by their wives or girlfriends. Chapter three discusses legislation around violence and the impacts to both father and children in more detail. The failure of our legal system to address spousal abuse by women weakens the position of fathers who have been abused when applying for custody of their child(ren).
Third, fathers often remarry, resulting in less contact with their children over time (Kelly, 2000). This is often due to the relocation of a parent, remarriage, persistent legal conflicts between the parents, and the typical decline found in father and child relationships. Twin (2011 as cited in Fabricious & Luecken 2002) identified that the relationship between non-custodial fathers and their children weakened after they engaged with a new partner. Amato (2004) identifies remarriage as very stressful on the new family, with the female partner’s children experiencing the stepfather as dominating their mother’s time and struggling with feelings of disloyalty towards their biological father.
Fourth, most sole fathers are widowers. Davey (1999) notes that widowed parents with children seem to receive more sympathy from society than do parents who have separated or are unmarried. Davey (1999) also notes that sole parenthood is becoming increasingly rare due to the lower levels of “mortality in the childrearing groups, but it may still be significant in relation to sole father
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families (among sole parent recipients of the DPB a higher proportion of males are widowed compared to females)” (p. 106).
Finally, fathers primarily receive custody of older boys. When it comes to custody, Davey (1999) notes that the gender distribution of younger children between mothers and fathers seems to be balanced; there is no clear evidence of any increasing proportion of boys living with their sole fathers. This seems to be justified by the norm for younger children to be cared for by their mothers and the ever-increasing norm for male role models for pubescent boys.
Meyer and Garasky (1991) identify the effects these commonly held truisms have on fatherhood and the effects of societal change on policy, as well as the implications on the children and men creating families. This United States report outlines the changes in the Court’s disposition on awarding the amount for Child Support and paternity rights. The Courts must adhere to The Child Support Act 1991 which outlines the annual amount of child support and the rate of child support that needs to be paid. Meyer and Garasky (1991) identify the need for further research in this field, as the belief regarding the Court only providing custody to the mothers seems to be false. In Aotearoa New Zealand, however, the belief that men are more likely than women to cause harm to their children still appears to be informing decisions about issues of custody (Nelson, 2013).