Conocimientos y actitudes de los estudiantes frente al embarazo adolescente

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ike many vase- painters of the second half of the fi fth century BCE, the Codrus Painter and his Circle dec-orated a substantial number of vases with generic scenes. Most involve athletes and youths in conversation (see chapter 11); others depict scenes of warriors depart-ing. In the absence of names and attributes, it is impos-sible for us today—as it probably was for the fi fth- century viewer—to identify the scene with a specifi c mythological episode or historical event. This very ambiguity, deliberate or not, appealed to a wider audience than an Attic or even a Greek one.¹

Two fragmentary departure scenes by the Codrus Painter are indicative of his style and the high quality of his draw-ing. The fi rst cup is housed in New York and the second in Tübingen; both share similar iconographic elements (cat. 5, pl. 24; cat. 6, pl. 25). The New York fragment shows part of a warrior with a mantle, holding a spear and a scab-bard that hangs diagonally at his side. He faces left toward a woman with two phialai who is now almost completely gone. A third fi gure, a warrior with a petasos, is visible on the extreme right.²

Another kylix by the Codrus Painter, found at the Etrus-can site of Montereggi, near Florence, and dated to around 440– 430 on stylistic grounds and context, represents a de-parture scene from either the heroic past or a recent cam-paign (cat. 8, pl. 26). The tondo of the Montereggi cup pre-serves parts of a male head, a fi gure with a staff , and a third fi gure. On the exterior (pl. 26a) a beardless male in travel-er’s gear rests his left hand on his waist and holds a staff in his right. Next to him are traces of a female fi gure in a long chiton, and immediately after her another male fi gure with a chlamys and a spear.³ Two more fragments found at the same site probably belong to the same cup. One can easily discern the upper part of a woman in chiton and mantle,

adorned with earrings and bracelets. She is depicted off er-ing a phiale to a fi gure that is now misser-ing (pl. 26b). Al-though the cup was originally placed within the Circle of the Codrus Painter, it seems more plausible to attribute it to his own hand instead, on account of the precise drawing of the fi gures, the use of his favorite stock body- types (e.g., youth in travel gear, one hand on the waist), and a com-parison of the female profi le with similar examples by the Codrus Painter (cf. the woman holding a phiale on side B of the Cassandra cup, cat. 19, pl. 16c).⁴

Even in this state, it is not diffi cult to interpret the ex-terior of the Montereggi cup as another departure scene.

This identifi cation supports our original observation re-garding the ambiguity of the scene and the anonymity of the characters in it, exemplifying how a vase becomes more salable to markets and peoples foreign to Athens when they are able to adopt a product into their own culture and un-derstand its iconography through their own fi lters.

The Lindenau- Museum of Altenburg houses a much- restored kylix by the Codrus Painter (cat. 12, pl. 27).⁵ Side A shows Herakles with the horses of Diomedes, but the cup is so heavily overpainted that it is hard to tell with accuracy what belongs to the original scene (pl. 27a). Side B depicts the departure of a warrior wearing a petasos, chlamys, and sandals and leading a horse, while a bearded, draped man with a staff shakes hands with a hoplite. The latter wears a pilos and a short chiton and carries a spear and a small shield. An Ionic column between the bearded man and the hoplite indicates an interior space (pl. 27b).⁶ According to Erwin Bielefeld, the original drawing is of high quality, but it is restricted to the area with the horse and the warrior on side B.⁷ The tondo (pl. 27c) currently shows a highly re-stored composition of Hermes and a headless male fi gure, but careful cleaning of a limited area made it possible to

10.2 the naples cup

This stemless cup takes its name from its fi ndspot in-side a tomb in Naples. It was one of fi ve vases discovered there, along with two very worn stamnoi and two red- fi gure column kraters—one by the Agrigento Painter and the other by the Suessula Painter.¹³ A peculiar departure scene decorates the cup in Naples, attributed by Beazley to a painter between the Codrus Painter and Aison (cat. 87, pl. 29).¹⁴ Side A shows three warriors with elaborate hel-mets and shield devices, one of whom is seated on a rock (pl. 29a). The main axis of the composition is slightly off - center, since the true center does not cross the seated war-rior but rather the panther on his shield. A related compo-sition is illustrated on the opposite side (pl. 29b), where a warrior is portrayed in an unexpected three- quarter frontal view drinking from a phiale.¹⁵ A second warrior performs a libation with the assistance of a woman who holds a silver oinochoe.¹⁶

The tondo shows a woman talking to a young traveler with a club. She is dressed in rich, patterned drapery and wears earrings and bracelets (pl. 29c).¹⁷ A possible identi-fi cation is Aithra—albeit a youthful one—trying to per-suade her son Theseus to mediate and allow the burial of the dead Theban warriors, an episode described in Eurip-ides’ Suppliants, produced in 423.¹⁸ As a result, the scene on the exterior may depict warriors who have fi nally re-ceived their burial and now enjoy the libations off ered by the living.

Alternatively, the fi gure seated on a rock and emphati-cally placed in the middle sets the scene in the Underworld, following the example of the cup in Zurich (cat. 31) and the better- known example of Theseus seated on a rock on the cup by the Painter of London E105.¹⁹ Thus, the Naples cup maybe interpreted as an excerpt from a Nekyia, with Peirithous left back in Hades, while Theseus has already re-joined the world of the living.²⁰

10.3 the ex- charterhouse cup

The kylix once in the Charterhouse School Collection can be attributed to a style comparable to that of the Codrus Painter (cat. 94, pl. 30), since it illustrates some of the typi-cal characteristics of his style, such as the variety of poses, the detailed male body, and the paratactic arrangement of warriors and athletes. However, that it is not by him is clear, because of the large heads of the fi gures, the bizarre and rather curvy rendering of body and musculature, and the lack of harmonious proportions.²¹

Side A depicts a young rider in traveler’s attire carrying a spear (pl. 30a). He faces a youth who holds the reins of the horse, while another youth leans against a pillar and con-verses with a bearded man with a spear who wears a pet-asos and a chlamys.²² An aryballos and a strigil are hang-ing in the back. The same arrangement is found on side B trace parts of the original drawing, possibly a female head

with a band at the shoulder height of the left fi gure. Tak-ing into consideration the condition of the kylix, it is not safe to make any assumptions regarding its original sub-ject, and it is with a high degree of hesitation that it is placed among the rest of the generic departure scenes by the Codrus Painter and his Circle.

10.1 the zurich cup

Herbert Cahn attributed to the Codrus Painter a fragmen-tary cup decorated with a scene of eight warriors prepar-ing for departure (cat. 31, pl. 28).⁸ On the exterior, instead of the usual palmettes under the handles there are rocks, masterfully integrated into the composition as landscape elements (pl. 28b). The setting includes two shields with elaborate devices, left by the rocks, and a large helmet set near one of the shields. The eight youths, with their chla-mydes, swords, and spears, are arranged evenly around their rocky surroundings, either standing near a pillar or stele or sitting on rocks. It is interesting to note that two fi gures make the same gesture, extending the right hand up to shoulder height while facing a fellow warrior. The peak moment of this gathering was chosen to decorate the tondo of the cup (pl. 28a): a young boy with a mantle, a spear, and a scabbard makes a libation by pouring from a phiale.

The subject of the Zurich cup diff ers from generic gath-erings of warriors and could represent a scene with youths at a country sanctuary taking an oath or making a libation before they depart. The fi gure sitting on a rock appears to be drawn on a larger scale, and this may be the key to the interpretation of the scene. Usually a rock implies a di-vine or heroic nature for the fi gure sitting on it; it may even carry funerary connotations, since similar fi gures are often depicted on grave monuments resting on a rock and accom-panied by a dog.⁹ Examples are found on the Ilissos frieze and on one of the so-called three- fi gure reliefs. This Roman copy of a fi fth- century original shows Peirithous sitting on a rock with his quiver by his side. His torso turns three- quarters to the left and is probably facing a fi gure now lost, while to his right stands another draped male fi gure, The-seus.¹⁰

Because of the rocky landscape and the affi nities with the above- mentioned relief compositions, it is possible that the Zurich cup represents a heroic gathering in the Under-world rather than a generic departure scene.¹¹ The fi gures depicted in their military gear are evoked by the youth who performs some type of ritual in their honor. The pillars and rocks delimit the world of the dead from that of the liv-ing. If our assumptions are correct, then the fi gure sitting on the rock could be tentatively identifi ed with Theseus or perhaps another local hero to whom the prayers of the youth in the tondo are addressed.¹²

dren as jockeys.²⁹ During the years of the Peloponnesian War, hippotrophia (horse breeding) became a highly valued practice, and certain Athenian clans systematically fol-lowed the tradition of horse rearing and pursuing victo-ries in horse races.³⁰ Late sources suggest that the festival in honor of Theseus (Theseia) was specifi cally oriented toward the ephebes, and a full equestrian program was in-cluded among the events.³¹ The ex-Charterhouse cup may instead depict the aftermath of such a horse race, but one can only speculate about the ritual and the cult activities associated with the race.³²

10.4 the battlefield cup

The so-called Battlefi eld cup in London (cat. 92, pl. 31) is attributed to a painter Near the Codrus Painter, and its decoration is not typical of warrior departure scenes.³³ In-stead, the exterior shows eight nearly nude warriors fi ght-ing in pairs: on one side (pl. 31a) a warrior protects his fallen comrade, while a third is engaged in a spear fi ght against the fourth. The latter is shown from an unexpected three- quarter back view, which allows us to see the griffi n device on his shield. Overall, the tension of the scene is en-hanced by the positions and the arrangement of the fi gures.

A diff erent episode of the battle is represented on the op-posite side (pl. 31b): four men are fi ghting in pairs using swords and spears. For the painter the battle is a pretext to show the nude male body from various angles. Sometimes the poses are so exaggerated that they are anatomically in-correct. In other cases, the painter draws the fi gures out-side the main surface, overlapping with the palmette deco-ration.

Even though the tondo of the Battlefi eld cup is not well preserved (pl. 31c), one can still make out two fi gures run-ning to the right. The one on the left wears a pilos and chlamys and carries a spear, while the second is barefoot and carries a spear and a shield. They are probably run-ning to the rescue of their fellow warriors on the exterior, an interpretation that underlines the compositional unity of the vase.

The warriors on the Battlefi eld cup are depicted nearly nude, and the painter took great care with the details of their weaponry,³⁴ as well as the lively rendering of the male body. This is the work of a painter who tried to apply within the limited space of a kylix the rules of perspective.

Such depth and vivacity was the exception in the workshop of the Codrus Painter, where balanced, paratactic compo-sitions and measured reactions of the fi gures dominated.³⁵

W. K. Pritchett describes tactics used in hoplite warfare, of which the most interesting where the Battlefi eld cup is concerned is kyklosis, a term descriptive of the move. The bodies of the warriors are drawn as if they were attempting to encircle the enemy.³⁶ The tactic of surrounding the op-ponent is also represented on a funerary relief from the De-(pl. 30b): a young rider wearing a petasos and a chlamys

and carrying a spear, and behind him another youth hold-ing the reins. The latter has the allure of a victor, since he is depicted naked with a wreath on his head and holding a strigil. The two fi gures on the far right converse with each other. The one on the left leans on a post and holds two jave lins, while the one on the right wears a wreath and seems about to depart, as he is dressed in petasos, chlamys, and high sandals and carries two spears. The tondo depicts a child on horseback with a wreath on his head, talking to a young man represented as if he is about to set off on a trip or a campaign, or has just returned from one (pl. 30c).²³

The symmetry of the composition on the exterior and the placement of the riders on opposite ends on each side creates a mirror eff ect, while the repetition of the rider- hoplite motif in the tondo stresses the unity of the com-position, enhancing the impression of a continuous frieze unfolding on the curved surfaces of a cup. This notion be-comes even more prominent once we realize that the motif of a youth riding a horse or holding its reins derives from the Parthenon frieze.²⁴

The aryballoi hanging in the background on the ex-Charterhouse cup indicate a palaistra, while the pillar symbolizes a turning point or some other limit, perhaps a sanctuary- horos or a stele. Under this premise, the ex-Charterhouse cup may be explained as an illustration of a meeting at the tribal sanctuary where the names of newly accepted members were offi cially recorded. Perhaps the ten fi gures represented on this cup are members of a phratry celebrating the entrance of a new fellow citizen during the Apatouria.²⁵ All fi gures present have distinctive attributes:

victory wreaths, chlamydes, horses, and equipment for exercise, war, or hunting.

Alternatively, the cup may be interpreted as a depiction of boys, youths, and adults during their military training.

Fourth- century sources mention the institution of ephe-beia, a two- year period of military service for young Athe-nians, often assumed to have existed before the reforms of Lykourgos. However, there is no evidence of ephebes as a hoplite institution before 335/ 334.²⁶

It seems, however, more plausible to interpret the ex-Charterhouse cup as an episode of the gymnikoi agones, although that institution too is known from later sources.

Horse racing and other athletic competitions were orga-nized according to age: children, adolescents, and men.

The horse races were intended for the class of the hippeis and the phylarchs, the tribal chiefs who were in charge of the ten groups of the Athenian cavalry. A chariot race ended the competitions.²⁷ The winner of the ephebes’ horse race received a pentaploa, a kylix fi lled with fi ve ingredi-ents.²⁸ This reading of the scene fi nds support in the abun-dance of vase paintings showing young boys riding horses, while literary sources report that the owners employed

chil-totle claimed that the number of hoplites that a city pos-sesses refl ects its greatness, while Isocrates believed that only the hoplites had the will, patriotism, and self- sacrifi ce to defend their country. It is worth mentioning that hop-lites are more often represented in art than any other mili-tary class.³⁸

mosion Sema, Athens’ public cemetery. It dates to 420– 410 and provides a close parallel to the Battlefi eld cup.³⁷

The hoplite ideal is clearly promoted and embraced in all forms of art and literature. It was the pride not only of the aristocrats but also of the middle class, whose labor, values, and heroism made Athens safe and famous.

In document D UNIVERSIDAD CÉSAR VALLEJO (página 81-94)