Consideraciones frente a una evaluación inclusiva

party of Australia a Short History, Hoover Institution Press, Stanford, California, 1969 p 93 and p 171. In Victoria in 1965 there were 1,375 members Tribune, 28/7/65 quoted in Davidson ,ibid, p 174. In terms of its presence and influence in the peace movement during this period the CPA were the main political grouping involved in both organising and giving political direction to anti war/ anti nuclear activities. SendyJ., Comrades comeRally, Nelson Australia, West Melbourne, 1978 pp 177-178

Peking or Moscow, the CPA finally remained aligned to Moscow. In early 1964, there were acrimonious expulsions and resignations of those who believed that the Moscow brand of socialism was revisionist and that the Communist Party of China (CPC) were the true inheritors of Marxism - Leninism.7 _{As a result of the split the Peking} aligned Communist Party of Australia Marxist-Leninist (CPAML) was formed. The split and its implications were to be felt throughout the next decade as both parties sought to influence opposition to the Vietnam War and cultivate support amongst those who opposed the conflict.

The CPA was in a process of trying to reconcile its pro-Soviet elements with a desire to be more attuned to the needs of contemporary Australian society and viewed the Euro Communist models of the Western European Communist Parties with interest. They no longer saw themselves as the vanguard party; rather they looked at being in a power-sharing situation, that is a party within a 'Coalition of the Left.' 8 _This

'Coalition of the Left' became party policy at the 1967 Congress. In many ways it can be viewed as a return to the 'Popular Front' approach of the 1930s of building links with progressive non-communist forces. However, it went a step further to deny the leading role of the working class and the Party in the struggle for a new society. The CPA was moving to the centre and seeking closer links with the ALP and any other grouping it could align with to achieve some legitimacy for its aims. Coinciding with this, there was a reduced emphasis on socialism as a solution to the problems

confronting Australian society. 7

Sendy J., ibid, pp 128-137,, O'Lincoln T., op cit, pp 104-106, Watson D., The Split in the Australian

Communist Movement 1961-1964, BA Hons, Latrobe University, Bundoora, 1970

8 Mansell K., The Marxism and Strategic concepts of the CPA 1965 -1972; BA Hons, Latrobe University, Bundoora, 1980, Milner A., The Road To ST. Kilda Pier, Stained Wattle Press, Westgate, 1984, pp 35-36; Sendy J., op cit, pp 163-167; Aarons, BE, What's Left, Penguin Books, Ringwood, 1993, p 198.

Despite the CP A's political difficulties from the beginning it had seen the conflict in Vietnam as of high importance. In its paper Tribune, it notes:

We stand today at one of the main crossroads of human history. We are in the middle of the most decisive test of strength between the war forces and peace forces of the world since the ending of the Second World War. 9

The CPA strove to raise the issue of the war in their publications as well as participating in the organisation of anti-war activities.

The CP AML was initially limited in its presence, and was influenced by the Liu Shao­ Chi policy of assuming a low profile as a way of avoiding perceived heavy state repression 10• However the bulk of party membership and influence was in Victoria, and they were able to tap into the upsurge in radicalism which marked the late 1960s and early 1970s. They also retained influence in a number of unions such as the Australian Tramways Motor Omnibus Employees Association (ATMOEA), the Waterside Workers Federation (WWF) and the Australian Building Construction Employees and builders Labourers Federation (ABCE & BLF).11 As such, the CP AML was not visibly present in the early anti-Vietnam War activities beyond commentary in their publications. However by being the only political group to condone and encourage the more militant forms of political action, the CP AML was able to present a credible alternative to other Left groups who were more restrained 9 Tribune, 19/5/66.

10 Liu Shao - chi was a colleague of Mao Tse Tung. Liu was to be exposed as a 'capitalist roader' during the period of the Greater Proletarian Cultural Revolution, after previously being regarded as a good Communist. The lie low policy was one applicable to situations of white terror where to be openly known as a communist carried severe risks. The CP AML adapted this to Australian conditions always seeing fascism just around the comer and hence the need to operate in a secretive, clandestine fashion to avoid detection and the associated punitive risks.

11 Davidson A., op cit, p 155, claims the party had 200 members in 1964. It is hard to estimate its actual numerical size due to its secrecy.

and appeared more focused on the election of ALP governments as the solution. The apparent successes of socialist China and the great kudos paid to young people and students during the Greater Proletarian Cultural Revolution all added credibility to the CP AML. As York notes: "Australian Maoism bridged the gap between the New Left style and Leninism in some important respects. Peking was in, the Soviet Union and the West were out."12 The CP AML's ability to tap into the newly found radicalism allowed them to find a niche in Australian politics.13

As well as the split which led to the establishment of the CPAML there was a further split in the CPA ranks in 1971 which led to the establishment of the pro-Soviet Socialist Party of Australia (SP A). The CPA, as it moved further away from alignment with the Soviet Union as the correct model of a revolutionary society, began to question and criticise current Soviet actions, not least of all the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. It gradually found itself unable to reconcile its pro Soviet elements with the remainder of its membership. Eventually the split occurred, as those pro-Soviet elements left to form the SP A. The SP A whilst being prominent in Sydney, was never a major player in Melbourne during this period.14

The journal Arena was established in 1963 by current and former members of the CPA and was a non-party Marxist theoretical journal encouraging debates and arguments to flourish. Its editorial board remained open to both CPA and non-party

12 _{York B., 'The Politics of Marxism - Leninism', Arena, No 66, p 29.}

13 _{An excellent synopsis of the politics of the CPAML in this period is, Herouvims J., 'Politics of the} Revolving Door' in Melbourne Journal of Politics, Vol 15, 1983-84.

14 _{A good analysis of this split, and the events leading up to it and the implications are covered in}