Contrastación de la hipótesis especifica 2

A union referendum decided by 6,862 to 174 to end the TA in favour of the FLP. Coates, Chairman of the TA, claimed that the FLP had 20,000 members statewide. Most probably this had been achieved by transforming TA membership into a party. Perhaps not wishing the readership to get too carried away with the tide in the FLP's favour, or perhaps to reassure the more conservative officials, the Record noted with pride that Babsons, a confidential bulletin for employers, analyzed the FLP at Chicago as conservative; in contrast to the British delegates, they were hard-headed rail-workers, miners and machinists who knew what they wanted. But Short, worried by the speed of events,

and about losing control, made it clear that the State Federation

Campaign fund was separate from the FLP fund announced by Buck. However 00

Short could do nothing to stop the momentum to build the party.

Coates announced a State FLP convention and asked the old TA

locals to rename themselves FLPs. However the Committee of 48 and the NPL kept their own identity, but acted in concert for the elections. It would appear that the TA had captured itself, but it did mean that in urban areas it could begin to build clear party organization. Though it was not the WSFL directly that was endorsing the new party, the

capturing of the TA, and the alliance of the farmer and progressive

organizations, gave the state FLP strength and credibility. The New

York party builders had not only failed to get state federation

support, but were unable to find the alternative route taken by the Seattle activists. The coalition was invaluable. It made it very difficult for Short to openly oppose the party. Indeed Short even

on agreed to go on a speaking tour for the FLP.

Now for the first time there was open organization of the King County Labor Party. Phil J. Pearl, a former Socialist Party activist.

^ Record, 16, 17, 19, 20 August 1920 ^^Record, 20, 21, 23 August 1920.

was elected chairman of the new organization, and Stuart A. Rice its secretary. They installed themselves in the old TA offices in the Labor Temple. From its new position of strength the SCLC felt able to

publicly rebuke any union organization endorsing candidates of the old parties. It urged all its affiliates to endorse the new party and to work for FLP candidates. This time the SCLC took far more rigorous action in pursuing the general election campaign. The union organizing committee of the King County FLP, formed a corps of "Seven-Minute Men" to address every local union meeting that took place up to the

election.^

The ideology of the campaign was different in tone and content to that of the Duncan mayoral fight. "True Americanism" took a back seat as the more orthodox FLP policies, based on Labor's Fourteen Points, were advocated. The victory at Yakima had given the progressives the confidence to relegate the policies of the conservatives of the SCLC to the background. The progressives had emerged unscathed from the effects of the red scare that followed the General Strike and Centralia. They had regained control of the SCLC’s political orientation. "True

Americanism" had been the conservatives’ response to the anti-alien hysteria of the red scare. The progressives, their newspaper, and most of their radical allies had survived the initial onslaught; there was no longer a pressing need to make concessions to "Americanism".^^

As the SCLC prepared itself for the election, the state wide convention of the FLP nominated Robert Bridges for Governor, C.J. France for Senate, and James Duncan for sixth congressional district. Duncan was the only trade unionist of the three. Bridges a progressive was well-known for his work on the Seattle port commission. France who was less well known, was also involved in the port commission. Bridges was widely known and commanded great respect, Duncan was also well known, but perhaps not for reasons to his advantage. The FLP

presidential candidate, Parley P. Christensen, was barely known in Washington, and this affected his performance in the Seattle polls. Though the campaign was clearly a labour party campaign, emphasis was placed on the personality of Bridges and his fine reputation as a

^^Record. 30 August, 2, 4 September 1920 ^^Record. 9 September 1920

commissioner for the port of Seattle. However once again the unions

12

were the bedrock of the campaign machine.

THE FARMER LABOR PARTY CAMPAIGN

Short called for support for "Bridges and the ticket", and for unity up to the election. If we read between the lines, it is obvious that Short was more enthusiastic for Bridges than he was for the FLP. He could not say this openly, and was obliged to formally support the whole ticket. However, for those not initiated in the secrets of Washington labour politics, the Record’s bland way of covering up differences made it appear that all was well.

However the grass roots were far more enthusiastic, and

Carpenters’ Local 131 suggested that a trophy be awarded to the local that most successfully recruited members to the FLP. Later 131

announced it had formed a FLP club, with open meetings every Thursday evening, excellent entertainment, and the best political speakers. A

"Railwaymen’s Branch" of the FLP was also formed; however, for the most part activities and fund raising were carried out directly under local union auspices. Union involvement in the campaign was diverse, and when the result of 131’s competition was announced the three winners were the Auto-Mechanics, Locomotive Engineers and Firemen, and the Stage Employe’s [Sic].^^

Volunteers were sought for the campaign, and Green Lake district claimed it had involved a 100 activists. District organization for the King County FLP campaign was formed with a separate Women’s organizing committee. Seattle was divided into 25 districts, each with a manager. The district boundaries would be observed for "the women’s work" and

financial purposes. Managers appointed precinct captains; and each district was responsible for distributing literature, raising money, holding meetings and canvassing. A mass meeting of streetcar men endorsed "All FLP candidates" and pledged themselves to work for the campaign. To avoid constitutional wrangling they had adjourned the formal meeting and convened as a mass meeting. An FLP club was formed at the University; 50 students elected officers, and covered the

^^Record, 15 September 1920. ^^Record, 24 September, 1920.

University district with literature in the run-up to the election. The Record devoted a whole page to explaining how a ballot paper should be filled in; and the SCLC gave permission to business agent Charles Doyle to organize automobiles on election day. They would be decked with pro- FLP banners, made out of a $100-worth of muslin donated by working men.

Two days before the election the Record led with a

massive front-page headline urging "Vote Bridges and the Third Party Ticket". Just like Short, the Record believed that Bridges was the party's main asset. The cult of the personality was less evident on the editorial page, which led with why Washington was going Farmer Labor. Just in case the banner headlines had created over-confidence, the next day’s editorial warned readers not to be complacent; they needed to turn out at the polls.