Corteza entorrinal

According to Stradling et al. (2000, 2003), there are a number of factors that determine why people travel the way they do and use the travel modes they do. Such factors are their perceived obligations (e.g. going to work, school or shopping); the existent travel opportunities (how they get there and how long it would take); and their inclinations to travel by different modes (by car or public transport, walking, or cycling). In this particular respect, the inclination for one or other type of transport therefore, not only varies depending on the characteristics of the person (such as age, gender, income, or health), or the spatial organization of the environment and the characteristics of the transport system but also on their values, motivations, past experiences and perceptions of the diverse transport modes (Stradling, 2011).

For example, previous studies examined the various motives for car use and found that car use not only fulfills instrumental functions (speed, flexibility, cost and convenience), but also important symbolic and affective functions (feelings of protection, autonomy, power, superiority, prestige and arousal) whereas this is not the case for public transport. (Gatersleben and Uzzell, 2007; Steg, 2004; Ellaway et al, 2003; Steg et al., 2001). This, according to Gatersleben (2012) is because cars allow people not only to go ‘from A to B quicker than public transport but cars also allows people to express to others who they are

or how they would like to be seen” (p.678) and, according to Steg (2004), frequent drivers, drivers with positive car attitude, male and young people value more the symbolic and affective motives. Hence, according to Stradling (2011) in the United Kingdom, the future travel behaviour intentions of young people between the ages of 11 and 18 years are dominated by the desire to drive and/or own a car, with predrivers aspiring to the perceived benefits of car driving. On the other hand, although driving is a rule-governed, demanding and skill based task that requires total focus and concentration from the driver on a car journey, it also provides a high psychological satisfaction such as mastery and self-steem (Ellaway et al, 2003) and brings numerous benefits, e.g., households with access to a car enjoy frequent social interactions with their support network of relatives and friends and are thus less likely to suffer social isolation; more visit sports and cultural facilities; they report better health status, and fewer of them have disabilities causing difficulties with traveling; they rate themselves higher on indices of civic participation; and more of them live in nicer neighbourhoods (Stradling, 2011; Stradling et al., 2005). Many previous studies on travel mode choice also suggest that people tend to prefer a car to other forms of transport for reasons such as flexibility and control (Stradling, Meadows, and Beatty, 1999), however, Gatersleben and Uzzell (2007) found that a lack of control

(e.g., in terms of getting stuck in traffic jams) was an important source of stress and unpleasant experience for drivers, and as the number of cars on the roads increases, it can be expected that both actual and perceived control is likely to decrease.

With regards to public transport, Stradling (2011) argues that there are social and affective

factors that discourage bus use, such as feeling unsafe; preference for walking or cycling; problems with service provision; intrusive arousal; cost; preference for car use; disability and discomfort; and self-image. Regarding this last aspect, according to Stradling, one barrier to increased bus patronage has been held to be the image of bus service as “a

transport mode that has become associated with young people…elderly people…and people on low incomes...i.e., a mode of last resort” (Bus Partnership Forum, 2003, p.9 as cited by Stradling, 2011). Although public transport users perceive that their journeys take more time than by car, the most problematic experiences seem mainly related to the poor infrastructure provisions (Gatersleben and Uzzell, 2007). In addition, many users of public transport lament the lack of autonomy in using the system as passengers and often complain about delays and waiting times that cause them stress as well as boredom (Gatersleben and Uzzell, 2007). However, the main sources of pleasure for public transport users appear to be passive activities resulted from being a passenger, such as reading, listening to music, interacting with other people, or looking at the passing scenery (Stradling 2011). Nevertheless, Wardman, Hine, and Stradling (2001) argue that bus travel

cognitive effort necessary for interchanges, which appears to be highest for journeys by public transport.

As for walking and cycling, although involve significantly more physical effort than driving or using public transport, these are perceived to be relaxing and intrinsically motivating activities in their own right (Gatersleben 2012; Gatersleben and Uzzell, 2007). Despite some environmental sources of displeasure in terms of provision (overgrown unlit paths and lack of safe crossings) and the sheer volume of traffic causing noise, pollution, and danger, journeys on foot, particularly, are perceived to be the most relaxing journeys, as walkers travel the shortest distance and seem to enjoy the activity itself (Gatersleben and Uzzell, 2007). On the other hand, despite that for cyclists, unpleasant experiences were mainly caused by other road users, cycling is considered a more exciting activity and also seem the most optimum form of travel from an effective perspective (Gatersleben and Uzzell, 2007). However, according to Horton (2007) in terms of transport, there are social constructions about cycling as a ‘toy’ and not a ‘tool’; a ‘risky behaviour’ and about people that cycles as ‘strange’ that encourage car-dependent practices as demonstrations of care and safety. In this regard, Horton argues that one of the aspects that affect the choice of cycling as a transport mode is the type of interventions that aim at increasing cycling’s safety, because strategies such as road safety education, helmet promotion campaigns and the increasing separation of cycling from motorised traffic are based on an unequally distributed road safety that redistribute the danger from car occupants to pedestrians and cyclists and helps to build a ‘culture of fear’ of cycling.