Otros Costes

by Joan Presswell).

Plate 57: A small hair comb purchased by Woodford in the Shortland Islands, 21st June 1886. (BM Oc,+.3894).

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civilization disappear below the horizon, leaving me for the first time alone – one among hundreds of savages (Woodford 1890a:18).

Other factors also influenced Woodford’s selection of Alu. It had been recommended to Woodford for his 1886 stay by Lieut. H.B. Guppy. Woodford’s natural history collecting here had many parallels with Guppy, who similarly made collections of natural history specimens and with whom Woodford had corresponded and met prior to leaving England (NHM[A]: DF200/28/385). Moreover, Woodford seems to have retraced Guppy’s steps more closely than just accepting his recommendations on Alu as a base. Although Guppy did not reside in Alu during his time in the Shortlands, he spent frequent periods ashore collecting, during which he relied heavily upon the chief Gorai and his men as guides for his explorations around the islands (Guppy 1887a:6). Woodford visited the same islands as Guppy to collect specimens (Alu, Shortland, Fauro), and used the same guides, particularly a man named Simpson (Woodford Diary, 9 July 1886). Also, Guppy had planned but not undertaken an expedition to the interior of Guadalcanal (1887a:iii). Woodford planned a similar expedition to Mount Lammas on Guadalcanal, which was equally unsuccessful, although he did undertake several successful expeditions to the interior of Guadalcanal (Woodford 1890a).87

The influence of the powerful chief Gorai was another factor that induced Woodford to select Alu as his residence.88 Much like Ingava in Roviana, Gorai had learned how to successfully engage with and present himself as a friend to visiting naval personnel and traders, and his wealth and influence extended far beyond the boundaries of Alu (see Guppy 1887:21-22; Bennett 1987). It appears that Woodford primarily conversed with locals in Fijian (relying on locals who had spent time in the labour trade). But Guppy noted that Gorai spoke some broken English, so this may also have been used (1887:21). Under his protection, and following negotiations, Gorai allocated Woodford a home upon which he placed a taboo, preventing anyone from entering or stealing (Woodford 1890a:18). Noting that Gorai met with him fully dressed in a red flannel shirt, trousers and a sun helmet, Woodford agreed to pay

87 _{Following the publication of Woodford’s 1890 article on the Solomon Islands it appears that Guppy and he fell}

out, principally over Guppy’s belief that Woodford failed to acknowledge his prior work in identifying the locations in the Solomons that de Mendaña visited during his 1568 voyage (RGS/CB7/Guppy).

88 _{Gorai did not reside at Alu itself, but on a neighbouring island (Woodford diary, 23 June 1886). For a}

Ma p 4: The S ho rt la nd I sl an ds . Ma p pr od uce d by Jo an ne Lai 133

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him ‘one axe, four knives, three bead necklaces, three fathoms of cloth, twenty sticks of tobacco, and a flannel shirt’ for the house (Woodford 1888:358). Interestingly, Gorai himself refused to accept the payment directly, instead directing Woodford to give it to a man Gorai referred to as ‘The Governor of Alu’ (Woodford diary, 25 June 1886). Evidently then Gorai, and by extension Alu, were well immersed in the colonial economy. Thomas (1994:16) notes that colonial representations and encounters both proceeded and succeeded the period of actual possession and rule, and as the Solomons had been a sustained port of call for traders and whalers prior to the establishment of the BSIP, indigenous groups were well aware of the Western goods, such as axes, beads and, importantly, guns. Bennett (1987) has discussed how, following the commencement of the labour trade from the 1870s onwards, a wealth division occurred between coastal and bush communities in the Solomons group. Coastal chiefs whose villages were on the labour trade recruiting route were able to obtain large quantities of trade goods from European recruiters for men they put forward as labourers (Bennett 1987:86). However, through trade networks these chiefs were able to obtain recruits from inland villages and neighbouring islands, but in doing so offered significantly less trade goods than the value they themselves were paid, keeping the surplus for themselves (Bennett 1987:86-87). Like many similar cultures, Alu placed a high value and prestige upon goods that could be obtained through trade, and enjoyed displaying them as a sign of wealth and influence. Indeed, during his stay at Alu gifts constantly flowed between Woodford and Gorai. For example, while Woodford gave Gorai sugar and tobacco, Gorai gave him items such as a lime gourd (presumably BM Oc,+.3908a&b) (Plate 59), a water bottle made of coconut covered in clay and decorated with white beads (BM Oc,+.3909) (Plate 60), and what Woodford describes as ‘a piece of bead work made of trade beads’ (BM Oc,+.3905), which are all now in the British Museum (Woodford Diary, 27 June 1886) (Plate 61). Parkinson names this last object a kiá, a rare and very expensive chest ornament of which he noted the late chief Koroi (Gorai) owned several, and which he believed were introduced to the northern Solomons via trade from the south (Parkinson 1999[1907]:214-215). Composed primarily of glass trade beads, this was a highly valued object that speaks of the wealth and prestige of its owner.

It can also be assumed that Gorai allowed Woodford to stay not only for the trade goods he gave him, but also because he was able to attract European visitors to his islands,